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New York's Retail Worker Safety Act Is Live
New York's Retail Worker Safety Act Is Live

Yahoo

timea day ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

New York's Retail Worker Safety Act Is Live

New York's retail crime compliance countdown has closed as the Retail Worker Safety Act (NYRWSA) has been implemented, and Governor Kathy Hochul's 'landmark legislation' has commenced. The Retail, Wholesale, Department Store Union (RWDSU), for one, is grateful. More from Sourcing Journal Activists Know How to Stop Sexual Violence in the Garment Supply Chain. Will Brands Buy In? Are Amazon's Warehouses Facing an 'Injury Crisis'? SHIPS for America Act Reintroduced to Reinvigorate US Shipbuilding Effective June 4, the NYRWSA (S. 8358B/A. 8947C) will 'introduce critical safety measures to protect retail workers across the state,' according to the semi-autonomous division of the United Food and Commercial Workers Union (UFCW). 'Retail workers—and shoppers—across New York will be safer because of this law,' Stuart Appelbaum, president of the RWDSU, said. 'Retail workers should not have to go to work every day in fear; this law goes a long way towards ending that.' New York State Senator Jessica Ramos introduced the NYRWSA last January to compel employers to evaluate their workplaces for risks, develop a violence prevention plan, provide ongoing safety training for workers—and revisit these efforts annually. The Harris-endorsing union has worked with Ramos and New York State Assemblymember Karines Reyes, who chairs its subcommittee on workplace safety, throughout the bill's ascension and amendments. While the New York State Senate passed S8358B last summer, Governor Kathy Hochul signed an amendment to the act in February, extending the effective date of some of its provisions to June 2. 'The Retail Worker Safety Act provides for preventative measures that will help deter violence and harassment before it starts,' Appelbaum said. 'And, most importantly, will assist workers in getting help quickly in the event of an emergency.' Retailers with 10 or more employees must develop 'comprehensive violence prevention plans, conduct regular risk assessments and provide biennial training on de-escalation techniques and active shooter scenarios,' the NYRWSA mandates. Retailers with 500 or more employees, meanwhile, must install silent response buttons—allowing 'workers to discreetly alert security personnel during emergencies,' the RWDSU said—before January 1, 2027. 'As a produce manager, I've witnessed firsthand the escalating tensions in retail environments,' said Edwin Quezada, a manager at a stop-and-shop in Long Island and Local 338 RWDSU/UFCW member. 'This Act ensures we have the training and tools to handle volatile situations, making our workplaces safer for both employees and customers. We worked hard to see it brought into law and I'm proud to see it starting to take effect.' The issue has become a source of anxiety for retail employees as retail crime ratchets up, a survey conducted by the RWDSU last spring found. Fifty-seven percent of those surveyed said they've personally experienced verbal harassment or intimidating behavior at work. Eighty percent reported concerns about an active shooter entering their place of business. Seven percent reported that their employers 'made safety improvements following violent incidents,' per the survey. 'Every day I came to work with a pit in my stomach, not knowing if today would be the day someone got aggressive or violent,' said Nancy Almodovar, a salesperson at a major department store in Manhattan, per the RSDSU. 'We've been ignored for too long by our employers, but this law finally says: our safety matters. It gives us real tools and real protection—and for the first time in a long time, I feel like someone's looking out for us.' There's precedent for such programs, the labor union said. The NYRWSA builds on the public sector's workplace violence protection law from 2006 and uses the statutory framework of New York's 2018 workplace sexual harassment protection law, per the RWDSU. 'We are grateful that Governor Hochul has focused on preventing retail violence and theft and for bill sponsors Senator Jessica Ramos and Assemblywoman Karines Reyes,' said Appelbaum.

Seoul needs 'win-win' strategy for shipbuilding partnership with US
Seoul needs 'win-win' strategy for shipbuilding partnership with US

Korea Herald

time19-05-2025

  • Business
  • Korea Herald

Seoul needs 'win-win' strategy for shipbuilding partnership with US

South Korea should establish a detailed "win-win" strategy to seize business opportunities amid the United States' push to revitalize its shipbuilding industry, a local business lobby said Monday. The recommendation follows a recent meeting between US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer and top executives from major Korean shipbuilders HD Hyundai and Hanwha Ocean Co. to discuss cooperation in shipbuilding. "The Korean government and shipbuilding companies need to present sector-specific proposals aligned with the US government's plans to build new vessels, in order to create mutually beneficial synergies," the Federation of Korean Industries said, citing a new report. According to the report, the US is expected to place orders for between 403 and 448 vessels by 2037, including commercial ships, liquefied natural gas carriers and naval ships. The projected orders include 100 commercial vessels, 42 to 65 LNG carriers, 10 icebreakers, 129 combat ships and 67 vessels for the National Defense Reserve Fleet. The number of US vessel orders is likely to increase further as the country aims to expand its commercial fleet to 250 ships under the SHIPS for America Act, proposed in April. The act also mandates that by 2047, 15 percent of outbound US LNG shipments must be transported on domestically built vessels. Additionally, the US Navy recently announced plans to procure 364 new ships over the next 30 years. In January, US President Donald Trump pledged that the US would order 40 large icebreakers. "Korean shipbuilders should engage in close consultations with the US government when participating in local shipbuilding projects and ensure consistent support from US authorities," Professor Ryu Min-chul of Korea Maritime and Ocean University said in the report titled "Analysis of the US Shipbuilding Industry and Implications for Korea–US Cooperation." Ryu also warned that Korean companies must be mindful of potential business risks stemming from possible changes in US shipbuilding policies. (Yonhap)

SHIPS for America Act another unexpected headache for shippers: Xeneta
SHIPS for America Act another unexpected headache for shippers: Xeneta

Fibre2Fashion

time09-05-2025

  • Business
  • Fibre2Fashion

SHIPS for America Act another unexpected headache for shippers: Xeneta

The re-introduction of the SHIPS for America Act last week is yet another example of the complexity and uncertainty facing ocean container shippers in 2025, according to Norway-based ocean and air freight market intelligence Xeneta. With yet more fees to consider when importing goods into the United States, taking decisive action on supply chain cost and resilience becomes increasingly difficult, it noted. The re-introduction of the SHIPS for America Act last week is yet another example of the complexity and uncertainty facing ocean container shippers, Xeneta said. With yet more fees to consider when importing goods into the US, taking decisive action on supply chain cost and resilience is tougher, it noted. There are questions now over how carriers will pass on the cost of the USTR fees, it said. In February, the office of the US trade representative (USTR) announced proposals for fees on Chinese carriers and ships entering US ports. This included a fee based on the percentage of a carrier's order book being built in Chinese yards. However, when revised proposals were announced on April 18, this element was not included. That relief, however, may be short-lived as the SHIPS for America Act—a completely separate scheme to the USTR port fees—was reintroduced last week and now includes a fee to be levied against carriers (of any nationality) based on the percentage of order book being built in certain Chinese yards, Xeneta observed. This fee was not included when the Act was first tabled in December last year. There are huge questions now over how carriers will pass on the cost of the USTR fees, and therefore, shippers should be ready to push back against these surcharges, Xeneta said in a note. The fact they must now also factor in surcharges relating to the SHIPS for America Act means the potential additional costs are even higher. While the financial implication of the SHIPS for America Act is lower than the USTR fees, it is yet another cost to be absorbed, Xeneta said. The complexities in the way different carriers and alliances will be exposed to the fees should be factored by shippers when procuring their next freight contract. Striking a low rate may not look quite so appealing if your chosen carrier is heavily exposed to these additional fees or surcharges, it noted. Section 415 of the SHIPS for America Act states 1 per cent of goods from China (measured by tonnage) must be transported on US-built ships, starting five years after the data of enactment. This requirement increases 1 per cent each year to 10 per cent. Any shipper failing to comply would be fined an amount that is greater than the difference of the cost for shipping on a US-built ship versus cost for shipping on a flag of convenience ship. It is unclear how this would work in practice, but, if it does come to pass, it would be a financial as well as administrative headache for the shipper, Xeneta added. Fibre2Fashion News Desk (DS)

US has surrendered the seas to China — here's how to win them back
US has surrendered the seas to China — here's how to win them back

New York Post

time07-05-2025

  • Business
  • New York Post

US has surrendered the seas to China — here's how to win them back

A nation's safety and prosperity depends on the strength of its ships. Just ask Xi Jinping. In addition to its powerful navy, China now possesses the world's largest commercial fleet — 5,500 vessels strong, with a thousand more built annually. And the United States? Our fleet currently numbers 80 with, at most, five ships added a year. This convergence — the rise of China's commercial shipping sector and the decline of ours — endangers our economy and weakens our Navy. As President Theodore Roosevelt said in 1905, 'To the spread of our trade in peace and the defense of our flag in war, a great and prosperous merchant marine is indispensable.' The nation's 26th president would be furious at the current state of America's merchant fleet. Our shipbuilding sector has eroded, our shipyards are few and far between, and the vessels they do build are often ill-equipped to cross oceans. The result is Chinese dominance of the world's sea lanes. America's rusted maritime sector is a pending national disaster. But we now have another president who understands the importance of shipbuilding. Last month President Donald Trump signaled his intent to end America's shipbuilding decline when he signed an executive order encouraging private investment to raise new shipyards and ordering federal agencies to levy added fees on China's vessels at US ports. Trump wants to launch an American shipbuilding revival, and his urgent call to reinvigorate the US maritime sector was heard clearly in the halls of Congress at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue. Last week I joined a bipartisan group of colleagues to re-introduce the SHIPS for America Act, comprehensive legislation meant to revitalize US shipbuilding. Our bill, which shares many of the same goals as Trump's executive order, will provide the necessary congressional authorizations to build and man a new fleet of commercial ships — and bring back the American maritime industry. This is long overdue. In the decades after World War II, the United States was home to the world's largest commercial fleet. The shipping container, the revolutionary innovation that's now essential to transporting goods across oceans and to distant markets, was invented by an American, Malcolm McLean. But today only a fraction of the tankers and cargo ships carrying goods to and from our country fly the American flag — by some estimates less than 0.4%. Depending on Chinese-flagged ships to carry the vast majority of our imports and exports places our entire supply chain at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party. In a coming trade or military standoff, Xi Jinping could bring the American economy to a complete standstill — simply by prohibiting Chinese ships from calling in at American ports. In the event of a military conflict in the Pacific, we would struggle to get troops and supplies to the front lines, and would have to rely on other nations to transport vital goods to our shores. Without a robust commercial-shipyard industrial base, we lack the facilities and work force to build and repair warships at scale in a crisis. The SHIPS for America Act aims to close this gap by establishing national oversight and consistent funding for US maritime policy. It would make US-flagged vessels commercially competitive in international commerce by cutting red tape, rebuilding the shipyard industrial base, and expanding and strengthening mariner and shipyard worker recruitment. Our proposal will train a pipeline of new workers, encourage domestic and foreign investment in maritime infrastructure and provide the permitting reform and deregulation that's essential for timely construction of new shipyards. One of its provisions will establish a trust fund to support an expansion of the US-flagged international fleet to 250 ships by 2035. The act will also create an investment tax credit to build up the US shipyard industry for both military and commercial oceangoing vessels. And a new US Center for Maritime Innovation would create hubs across the country where our citizens will research and design next-generation ships. Reviving American shipbuilding will take time and come at a cost — but the cost of failing to act is even greater. With his executive order, President Trump channeled Teddy Roosevelt and laid out an ambitious maritime agenda. Now it's up to Congress to make his vision a reality and christen a new commercial fleet that will reclaim American maritime supremacy. It's time to make American ships again. Todd Young represents Indiana in the US Senate.

U.S. and Xinjiang Cotton Are Locked in a Trade War of Their Own
U.S. and Xinjiang Cotton Are Locked in a Trade War of Their Own

Yahoo

time05-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

U.S. and Xinjiang Cotton Are Locked in a Trade War of Their Own

Far from 'America First,' U.S. cotton appears to be on a losing streak—at least, as far as the country's foremost trade nemesis is concerned. Writing in a report late last month, the U.S. Department of Agriculture Foreign Agricultural Service, or FAS, said that U.S. cotton exports to China plummeted by 73 percent in the seven months between August 2024 and February 2025, collapsing America's previous 29.6 percent market share to just 17.1 percent. More from Sourcing Journal Temu Stops Direct-from-China Shipments to U.S. Consumers SHIPS for America Act Reintroduced to Reinvigorate US Shipbuilding Research Draws 'Probable' Links Between Shein and Xinjiang Textile Production While anti-American sentiment amid fraying trade relations is one reason for the dramatic decline, a bigger one, according to the FAS, is the 'excellent weather' that resulted in bumper harvests in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, which contributed 92.3 percent of China's cotton this marketing year. Despite U.S. restrictions on products of Xinjiang origin through the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, along with mounting global antipathy toward the same because of concerns over a Muslim crackdown, the region's cotton saw a 10.8 percent increase in production and an almost 100 percent trade uptake by the end of March. And China, if anything, only appears to be doubling down on the province, with production outside Xinjiang expected to fall further 'due to limited subsidies, lower cotton prices, reduced quality, higher input costs and competition from alternative crops,' the FAS wrote. In December, the China Cotton Association raised its estimate for Xinjiang's cotton production to 6.1 million metric tons, reflecting a 10.8 percent year-on-year increase that will account for almost 95 percent of the national output by this time next year. Industry contacts similarly expect ginned cotton volumes in the region to increase from the 6.39 million metric tons yielded this past marketing year, itself an 18.9 percent uptick from the year before. 'In contrast, the Yangtze and Yellow River regions show declines due to limited mechanization, higher labor costs and lack of price support policies, with the National Monitoring System reporting the steepest drop in these regions,' the report said. 'Several industry sources did share that the high concentration of cotton production in Xinjiang poses a challenge for industrial development and that to mitigate the risks, there should be efforts to gradually restore and maintain cotton production in inland areas. However, the latest surveys do not show any sign of the restoration.' There's also the fact that China continues to subsidize the relocation of yarn and textile manufacturers from other regions of the country to Xinjiang. The FAS cited a local news article that said that Xinjiang's spinning capacity reached 29.1 million spindles with 62,400 looms in operation, both of them historic numbers. Spinning capacity is expected to increase further as the Xinjiang government plans to spin 45 to 50 percent of Xinjiang cotton by 2028, 'with the goal of developing Xinjiang into a global textile hub,' the FAS added. Coupled with a recent Xinjiang Cotton Industry Development Leadership Group meeting that emphasized accelerating the construction of the China Cotton and Cotton Yarn Trading Center, developing a 'Xinjiang Cotton' public brand certification system and broadening export markets in Southeast Asia, Central Asia and Eastern Europe under the Belt and Road Initiative, Xinjiang will maintain its 'dominant position' in China's cotton supply, potentially reducing its need to import during the 2024-2025 marketing year, while 'developing more export-oriented textile manufacturing to offset challenges in traditional markets like the United States,' the FAS said. Another impediment for U.S. cotton is growing competition from Australia and Brazil, which are producing fibers that Chinese spinners consider not only to be of comparable or improving quality but also competitively priced. Looking ahead, the report said, Australia and Brazil are expected to maintain their position as the primary cotton suppliers to the Chinese market for the remainder of the 2024-2025 marketing year, especially to meet the demands of textile orders from countries looking to shun Xinjiang cotton, whether due to UFLPA compliance or otherwise. But also not helping are the Trump administration's trade provocations. The report predicted that Beijing's imposition of 140 percent tariffs on U.S. cotton will 'all but stop further imports from the United States.' Statistics from bonded zones at Chinese ports indicate that domestic importers have been actively liquidating U.S. cotton stocks in recent months—and replacing them with their Brazilian counterparts—to sidestep tariffs. That U.S. tariffs of 145 percent, plus the closure of the so-called de minimis 'loophole,' will also reduce Chinese textile exports of non-Xinjiang textiles and finished apparel to the United States might provide some cold comfort. The hit isn't unsubstantial: In 2024, textile exports to the United States accounted for 10.7 percent of China's total textile exports, valued at $14.8 billion, and 22.7 percent of China's total apparel exports, or $36.1 billion's worth. And while large-scale textile and apparel companies in China have been transferring some production to Southeast Asia, smaller firms with limited resources may 'struggle to adapt,' the FAS said. Without the easing of tensions, however, the battle between U.S. and Xinjiang cotton will only intensify, perhaps even spill into third-country markets as Chinese garment manufacturers shift toward exporting to non-U.S. markets due to the tariff turmoil, said Sheng Lu, professor of fashion and apparel studies at the University of Delaware. 'Notably, while the UFLPA has effectively driven most Chinese cotton out of the U.S. market, China has 'shielded' Xinjiang cotton through increased subsidies and recent retaliatory tariffs on U.S. cotton,' he said. 'We can expect heightened competition and growing tensions between U.S. cotton and Xinjiang cotton, along with a more turbulent global cotton market shaped by geopolitics and trade policy.'

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