Latest news with #SecondIntifada
NDTV
23-05-2025
- Politics
- NDTV
Israeli Settlers Thrashed Palestinians, Torched Cars, Houses In West Bank
Quick Read Summary is AI generated, newsroom reviewed. Israeli settlers attacked Palestinian vehicles and homes in Bruqin amid ongoing violence, following the killing of a pregnant settler. The military reported vandalism but no arrests. Israeli settlers torched Palestinian vehicles and houses in the occupied West Bank, Israel's army and villagers said, the latest in a series of attacks on the village of Bruqin, close to the location where a pregnant settler was killed this month. Palestinian residents in Bruqin, who say they have faced constant attacks and abuse from Israeli settlers nearby, said a large group had shown up during the night, throwing Molotov cocktails and beating anyone in their way. Akram Sabra, a resident of the village, said he had left his home to watch as dozens, possibly a hundred, people burned cars belonging to him and his family and threw a Molotov cocktail incendiary at his son's house. "I saw my vehicles were burned and then they beat me on the head and I am still dizzy," he said. The Israeli military said it had received a report on Thursday that Israeli civilians had vandalised property in the area of the village, in the northern part of the West Bank. "Upon receiving the report, IDF (Israel Defence Force) soldiers were dispatched to the scene. The suspects fled prior to the arrival of IDF soldiers," it said, adding that no injuries were reported and the incident was under review. Israeli forces have imposed a strict lockdown in and around Bruqin following the killing of Tzeela Gez, a heavily pregnant resident of the nearby settlement of Bruchin. The Israeli military said this week troops searching the area near Bruqin had killed her attacker, who it said had previously served a prison sentence for being a member of the militant group Hamas, and arrested several others suspected of helping with the attack. Since the killing of Gez, Palestinians have reported multiple attacks in the area by settlers who have burned cars, thrown stones and incendiary devices at houses and bulldozed land belonging to Palestinians. "They come at us almost on a daily basis, even sometimes several times a day," said Mustafa Khater, 45, another Bruqin resident. "They attack us with stones and abuse." The United Nations humanitarian organization OCHA said more than 11,000 Palestinians in Bruqin and Kafr ad Dik towns were blocked in, with 28 attacks by settlers resulting in injury or property damage reported in the week to May 19. In all, it said there were 1,449 attacks last year, the highest level in more than 20 years. DISPLACEMENT Settler attacks against Palestinian villages in the West Bank have intensified sharply since the start of the Gaza war, as new settlement building has accelerated under the right-wing government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The latest attacks took place as the Israeli military has been conducting its largest operation in the West Bank since the Second Intifada, or uprising two decades ago. The operation, which has focused on refugee camps in volatile northern cities including Jenin and Tulkarm, has displaced more than 40,000 Palestinians, according to United Nations figures, and added to fears among many Palestinians of a wider drive towards a full Israeli takeover of the West Bank. Several leading ministers in Netanyahu's government, including the pro-settler Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, have called openly for the annexation of the West Bank and the displacement of large sections of the Palestinian population. The West Bank, which Palestinians want as the core of a future independent state along with Gaza and East Jerusalem, was seized by Israeli forces in the 1967 Middle East war and been under military occupation ever since. Most countries consider settlements to be illegal under international law. Israel disputes that, citing historical and Biblical connections of the Jewish people to the area. (Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)
Yahoo
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Israeli settlers raid West Bank village close to where pregnant woman killed
By Ali Sawafta BRUQIN, West Bank (Reuters) -Israeli settlers torched Palestinian vehicles and houses in the occupied West Bank, Israel's army and villagers said, the latest in a series of attacks on the village of Bruqin, close to the location where a pregnant settler was killed this month. Palestinian residents in Bruqin, who say they have faced constant attacks and abuse from Israeli settlers nearby, said a large group had shown up during the night, throwing Molotov cocktails and beating anyone in their way. Akram Sabra, a resident of the village, said he had left his home to watch as dozens, possibly a hundred, people burned cars belonging to him and his family and threw a Molotov cocktail incendiary at his son's house. "I saw my vehicles were burned and then they beat me on the head and I am still dizzy," he said. The Israeli military said it had received a report on Thursday that Israeli civilians had vandalised property in the area of the village, in the northern part of the West Bank. "Upon receiving the report, IDF (Israel Defence Force) soldiers were dispatched to the scene. The suspects fled prior to the arrival of IDF soldiers," it said, adding that no injuries were reported and the incident was under review. Israeli forces have imposed a strict lockdown in and around Bruqin following the killing of Tzeela Gez, a heavily pregnant resident of the nearby settlement of Bruchin. The Israeli military said this week troops searching the area near Bruqin had killed her attacker, who it said had previously served a prison sentence for being a member of the militant group Hamas, and arrested several others suspected of helping with the attack. Since the killing of Gez, Palestinians have reported multiple attacks in the area by settlers who have burned cars, thrown stones and incendiary devices at houses and bulldozed land belonging to Palestinians. "They come at us almost on a daily basis, even sometimes several times a day," said Mustafa Khater, 45, another Bruqin resident. "They attack us with stones and abuse." The United Nations humanitarian organization OCHA said more than 11,000 Palestinians in Bruqin and Kafr ad Dik towns were blocked in, with 28 attacks by settlers resulting in injury or property damage reported in the week to May 19. In all, it said there were 1,449 attacks last year, the highest level in more than 20 years. DISPLACEMENT Settler attacks against Palestinian villages in the West Bank have intensified sharply since the start of the Gaza war, as new settlement building has accelerated under the right-wing government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The latest attacks took place as the Israeli military has been conducting its largest operation in the West Bank since the Second Intifada, or uprising two decades ago. The operation, which has focused on refugee camps in volatile northern cities including Jenin and Tulkarm, has displaced more than 40,000 Palestinians, according to United Nations figures, and added to fears among many Palestinians of a wider drive towards a full Israeli takeover of the West Bank. Several leading ministers in Netanyahu's government, including the pro-settler Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, have called openly for the annexation of the West Bank and the displacement of large sections of the Palestinian population. The West Bank, which Palestinians want as the core of a future independent state along with Gaza and East Jerusalem, was seized by Israeli forces in the 1967 Middle East war and been under military occupation ever since. Most countries consider settlements to be illegal under international law. Israel disputes that, citing historical and Biblical connections of the Jewish people to the area. (Writing by James MackenzieEditing by Gareth Jones)
Roya News
06-05-2025
- Politics
- Roya News
"Israeli" forces re-arrest Palestinian detainee freed during ceasefire prisoner exchange
A Roya correspondent reported that Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) arrested freed prisoner Wael Al-Jaghoub from his home in the west of Nablus in the West Bank. Jaghoub was born on May 23, 1967, and lost his father at the age of four, according to the Palestinian Prisoners Society. The IOF first arrested Wael Naeem Ahmad Al-Jaghoub in 1992, where he spent six years in prison due to his involvement in resisting the occupation, before being released in 1998. In 2001, a year after the outbreak of the Second Intifada, he was re-arrested and subjected to harsh interrogation methods by the IOF. He was later convicted of carrying out armed operations against military targets and settlers in Nablus governorate and was sentenced to life in prison. He was freed earlier in 2025 during the Hamas-"Israeli" ceasefire prisoner exchange deal. During his long years of imprisonment, Jaghoub suffered repeated solitary confinement—a policy used by the "Israeli" prison administration against influential prisoners to isolate them from their peers and suppress their role in raising awareness and strengthening resistance.
India Today
01-05-2025
- Business
- India Today
A strategic outlier: Why Muslim-majority Azerbaijan stands by Israel amid the Gaza war
The bilateral relationship between Azerbaijan and Israel has long flown under the radar, but the war in Gaza has cast new light on this unlikely alliance. At a time when much of the Muslim world has vocally condemned Israel's military actions in the Gaza Strip, Azerbaijan—despite being a Muslim-majority country—has remained notably restrained in its criticism. The silence is not incidental. It is a calculated outcome of years of deepening diplomatic, military, and energy cooperation between the two Foundations of an unlikely alliance The seeds of the Azerbaijan–Israel partnership were planted over three decades ago, in a discreet meeting between Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev in New York. With no shared borders, religion, or ethnic ties, the two countries still saw the potential for mutual benefit: Israel needed a stable source of energy, while Azerbaijan sought cutting-edge military then, the relationship has matured into one of Israel's most strategic partnerships. Azerbaijan supplies about 40%–50% of Israel's oil needs, mostly transported via the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline through Turkey to the Mediterranean. Even during the Second Intifada and other turbulent periods in West Asia, Azerbaijani oil shipments to Israel remained steady. This continuity underscores Baku's long-standing commitment to separating its energy diplomacy from broader ideological Azerbaijan has become a major buyer of Israeli arms and surveillance equipment. From 2015 to 2019, 60% of Azerbaijan's arms imports came from Israel. Israeli-made drones and other systems played a decisive role in Azerbaijan's military victory in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war against Armenia. In September 2023, the two countries signed another arms deal, strengthening their already substantial defence cooperation. Azerbaijan is also increasingly partnering with Israel in high-tech sectors such as aerospace and energy exploration, including new natural gas ventures in the Eastern Gaza war and Azerbaijan's calculated silenceThe ongoing Gaza conflict that began after Hamas's October 7, 2023 attacks—resulting in the death of 1,200 Israeli civilians—has led to global condemnation of Israel's retaliatory actions. Western allies like the United States, France, and the United Kingdom have all expressed concern over the humanitarian toll in Gaza. Muslim-majority countries from Iran to Indonesia have issued fierce denunciations of Israeli policy, with some cutting diplomatic or trade ties Azerbaijan's official response has been muted. President Ilham Aliyev has called for an end to the 'tragedy in Gaza,' but refrained from condemning Israel. Notably, Baku voted in favour of a UN resolution calling for a humanitarian ceasefire—its only major international gesture—but has continued business as usual with Tel are several factors behind Azerbaijan's relative silence. First, Azerbaijan's leadership shares Israel's concerns over Islamist extremism. Having dealt with radical elements within and around its borders, Azerbaijan views Hamas not simply as a resistance group but as a destabilising, fundamentalist actor. This ideological common ground helps explain why Baku does not publicly echo the sentiments of other Muslim Azerbaijan's foreign policy is heavily influenced by pragmatism. The country has cultivated ties with both Israel and Turkey, even positioning itself as a behind-the-scenes mediator between the two. President Aliyev has facilitated diplomatic thawing between Ankara and Tel Aviv in the past, capitalising on the close ethno-linguistic and strategic ties Azerbaijan shares with Turkey. This intermediary role depends on maintaining credibility with both sides—condemning Israel publicly would jeopardise energy factor and accusations of complicityAzerbaijan's extensive energy ties with Israel have also come under scrutiny in light of the Gaza war. Civil society groups and international advocacy organizations, including Progressive International and Stop Fuelling Genocide, have criticised Azerbaijan for continuing oil exports to Israel, which they claim indirectly fund Israel's military operations. Satellite evidence even tracked an oil tanker traveling from Azerbaijan's Heydar Aliyev terminal to an Israeli port just weeks after the October 7 attacks—its tracking system suspiciously turned off during the state oil company SOCAR denies direct sales to Israel, claiming third-party traders manage the transactions. Turkish officials have echoed similar denials, emphasising that neither Turkey nor SOCAR can monitor or control where the oil ultimately goes due to contractual limitations. Turkey's Minister of Trade has stated that halting the BTC pipeline would breach international agreements and expose Turkey to legal consequences. Still, these legal technicalities have done little to stem criticism from activists and this, the Azerbaijani public has shown minimal resistance. Unlike the widespread protests in Turkey or Jordan, Azerbaijan has witnessed only isolated voices of dissent. Online polls conducted by media outlets in Azerbaijan reveal surprising public support for Israel, with two-thirds of respondents expressing sympathy. The Israeli embassy in Baku has even reported receiving flowers and messages of solidarity from local quietism is also reinforced by limited media coverage. State and pro-government media in Azerbaijan have largely ignored the Gaza war, helping to shape a national discourse that aligns with official policy. In a region where public opinion can drive foreign policy decisions, Azerbaijan stands out as a state where elite interests, rather than grassroots pressure, determine international depth beyond symbolismThe Israel–Azerbaijan partnership is not simply about shared interests—it reflects a deeper convergence of strategic worldviews. Azerbaijan, surrounded by volatile neighbours like Iran and Russia, sees value in aligning with a technologically advanced and diplomatically influential power like Israel. For Israel, Azerbaijan offers a rare Muslim-majority ally that does not allow the Palestinian issue to cloud bilateral has returned the favour by treating Azerbaijan as a vital partner. Israeli leaders have repeatedly emphasised Baku's strategic importance. In 1998, the Israeli Foreign Ministry designated Azerbaijan a key country. More recently, former Israeli Prime Minister Yair Lapid called Azerbaijan 'an important partner,' while other senior officials have spoken of 'strategic relations.'This sentiment is increasingly institutionalised. Israel set up its embassy in Baku in 1993, and Azerbaijan opened its embassy in Tel Aviv in 2023. High-level visits, such as President Aliyev's meeting with Israeli President Isaac Herzog in February 2024 and energy ministerial discussions in April, indicate a growing comfort between the two silence on the Gaza conflict is not a contradiction—it is the byproduct of a long-standing and evolving strategic partnership with Israel. Rooted in energy interdependence, military cooperation, and geopolitical pragmatism, the relationship transcends religious and cultural differences. As the Gaza war continues to polarise the global landscape, Azerbaijan's stance illustrates the limits of religious solidarity in the face of hard geopolitical realities. For Baku, national interest trumps ideology—and for Israel, Azerbaijan remains not just an ally, but a rare strategic friend in the Muslim world. advertisement
Morocco World
25-04-2025
- Politics
- Morocco World
Algiers' Casbah Rocks—and Cracks: Le Nif and the Discontents of Power
Algeria, once a proud revolutionary beacon in North Africa and the Global South, is fast becoming a textbook case of post-revolutionary immobilism. The military-backed regime, still cloaked in the aura of its anti-colonial legacy, is increasingly brittle—diplomatically isolated, regionally sidelined, and domestically stagnant. At the center of this immobilism lies the enduring cultural construct of le nif ( thinzarin in Taqbaylit)—literally 'the nose'—a deeply embedded metaphor for the point of honor, dignity, self-esteem, virility, and principled pride. Historically, le nif served as a cultural glue, underpinning resistance to both colonial domination and post-colonial internal fragmentation. It was the moral backbone of the revolution, the righteous defiance against colonial humiliation, and the symbolic currency of national pride. As the geopolitical dynamics of North Africa shift and Algeria's internal cohesion erodes, the risks of systemic breakdown are becoming increasingly evident. Comparisons to Syria or Sudan, once dismissed as alarmist, now resonate with unsettling plausibility. Le nif , which once fueled national liberation, has—through its rigid use—assumed the form of what sociologist Pierre Bourdieu calls 'symbolic violence': a cultural device transformed into a mechanism of political sclerosis, reproducing domination by constraining the discursive space for critique, negotiation, and reform. What was once a source of resilience has calcified into a defensive posture that stifles dissent and forecloses compromise. Short of a recalibration of both governance and cultural paradigms, Algeria risks not only a diminished regional role but the real possibility of profound instability with far-reaching implications. At the heart of Algeria's regional standoff lies its decades-long, hardline position on the disputed Sahara region. Algiers' unwavering support for the separatist Polisario Front, once a pillar of its revolutionary identity and foreign policy, has left it increasingly alone. Morocco, by contrast, has deftly mobilized international support for its sovereignty plan over the disputed territory. The United States , Spain , Germany , and, most recently, France have recognized Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara, leaving Algiers diplomatically outmaneuvered, ideologically stranded, and culturally—and in terms of le nif — en panne . What was once a source of legitimacy for the Algerian regime has become a symbol of its foreign policy failure—an honor-bound stance now bordering on obstinate self-isolation. The fallout from Morocco's 2020 resumption of relations with Israel only deepened this rupture. For the record, Morocco severed diplomatic relations with Israel as a result of the Arab League of States' decision following the Second Intifada in 2000. For Algeria, Rabat's rapprochement with Israel was not just a diplomatic maneuver—it was a geopolitical and ideological provocation. Algiers viewed the deal as a direct menace to its national security and position on the Sahara issue, especially given the Trump administration's recognition of Moroccan sovereignty as part of the normalization package. In August 2021, Algeria severed diplomatic ties with Morocco, accusing it of espionage, cyberattacks, and collaboration with Israel to destabilize the Algerian state. These reactions were steeped in the politics of le nif —defending perceived national dignity even at the cost of regional cooperation. Airspace was closed, communication channels shut down, and the rhetoric turned openly hostile. In response, Morocco has leaned further into its strategic realignment with Western powers and Gulf countries, while Algeria drifts deeper into a bloc anchored by Russia and Iran. Algeria's regional isolation does not end with Rabat. In the Sahel , recent coups in Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have brought to power military juntas more aligned with Moscow than with Algiers. Once seen as a regional broker, Algeria is now viewed with suspicion. Its alleged involvement in downing a Malian drone—and Bamako's subsequent accusation that Algeria is 'sponsoring international terrorism' —underscores just how rapidly its influence has eroded. Relations with Tunisia, Mauritania, and Libya are similarly frayed, complicated by border insecurities, energy competition, and diverging strategic visions. The cultural imperative of le nif , rather than inviting solidarity, has hardened into a posture that alienates allies and limits diplomatic agility. Nowhere, however, is Algeria's unraveling more vividly exposed than in its crumbling relationship with France . The recent diplomatic rupture was triggered by Paris 's recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara—an unforgivable affront to Algiers. The Algerian government recalled its ambassador, denounced the move, and accused France of abandoning its neutrality in the Maghreb. Tensions escalated further with the politically charged sentencing of Algerian-born French writer Boualem Sansal , who is 76 and suffers from cancer, condemned to five years in prison and fined for allegedly undermining state security, territorial integrity, and institutional stability, after making remarks about Western Algeria belonging to Morocco. When President Macron came to Sansal's defense, President Tebboune lashed out, calling the writer 'a thief sent by France,' an 'imposter' and a 'bastard.' The regime's reaction, framed through the lens of honor and shame, again mirrored the intransigence of le nif weaponized. Then came a chilling incident : the attempted kidnapping in a Paris suburb of dissident TikTok influencer Amir Boukhors (a.k.a. Amir DZ), allegedly carried out by individuals connected to Algeria's consulate in France. French authorities responded swiftly—expelling Algerian diplomats and recalling their ambassador. Algiers reciprocated with matching measures. What had been a fragile post-colonial relationship has collapsed into a theater of transnational repression, diplomatic tit-for-tat, and mutual mistrust. What we are witnessing is not simply a diplomatic spat, but a deeper unraveling of Algeria's geopolitical posture. Reports of growing ties between Algiers and Tehran—along with continued support for the separatist Polisario Front and alleged coordination with Iran-backed actors—suggest that Algeria may be pivoting into an anti-Western axis. It is a posture not of strength, but of desperation—a hollowed-out version of le nif , no longer a source of dignity, but of defensive isolation. Yet perhaps the more alarming storm is brewing within. Algeria's external isolation mirrors its internal malaise. Since the suppression of the Hirak protest movement, the regime has reverted to its authoritarian reflexes: militarized rule, suffocating political space, and surveillance as governance. The hydrocarbon-dependent economy is teetering under the weight of inflation, mass youth unemployment, and a chronic failure to diversify. The regime offers no path forward—only control, denial, and increasingly cruel repression. In this climate, le nif is invoked not to empower, but to silence—turned inward as a moral cudgel against dissent, a brittle facade masking deep political and social insecurity. Could Algeria follow Syria's path? The question sounds alarmist—until you look closer. The parallels to pre-collapse Syria are hard to ignore: an insular elite ( Le Pouvoir ) clinging to power as its legitimacy erodes, a traumatized society silenced by fear, and a political system incapable of reform. Likewise, Algeria's trauma is homegrown. The 'Black Decade' of the 1990s—its brutal civil war—left 200,000 dead and entire communities scarred by violence, disappearance, and grief. The security state forged in that period still governs today: unaccountable, paranoid, and brittle. The ghosts of the 1990s are not gone. They are watching. Waiting. And if the world turns away again, they may not wait much longer. The danger lies not just in the status quo—but in its unraveling. The architecture of repression that once guaranteed regime survival has now become a source of systemic fragility. Algeria's youth—digitally connected, politically aware, and economically marginalized—are losing patience. The social contract is unraveling. The regime's hydrocarbon lifeline is fraying. And its geopolitical compass is spinning. Algeria is not simply at a crossroads—it is running out of road. Here, le nif could still be salvaged—not as a shield of denial, but as a catalyst for renewal, reimagined through collective dignity rather than state authoritarianism. The implications of collapse would be catastrophic. A failed Algerian state could trigger mass refugee flows into Europe, destabilize fragile neighbors like Tunisia and Libya, and create fertile ground for extremist and criminal networks. The Maghreb and Sahel—already strained by climate shocks, conflict, and institutional fragility—would face another vector of chaos. The international community ignored Syria's early warnings. It must not repeat that mistake with Algeria. And yet, the window for a course correction has not completely closed. Several scenarios remain possible—each one a test of how Algeria interprets and mobilizes le nif in the 21st century: Managed Transition : A phased political opening, paired with economic reform and dialogue, could pave a peaceful way forward. This would require the regime to reframe le nif not as stubbornness or false pride, but as the dignity of listening to its people, honoring dissent, and taking courageous steps toward renewal. True honor lies not in holding power at all costs, but in passing it on responsibly. Authoritarian Entrenchment : The regime may double down—tightening control while continuing to conflate le nif with repression and infallibility. In this interpretation, pride becomes paralysis. It delays collapse but makes the eventual reckoning more violent, as dignity is weaponized rather than reimagined. Geopolitical Realignment : Algeria may further tether itself to powers like Iran and Russia, seeking validation through an anti-Western stance cloaked in defiant sovereignty. But such moves risk reducing le nif to a performative shield—more about resisting external pressure than addressing internal decay. Economic Diversification : Long touted but rarely implemented, this path could offer a lifeline—especially if le nif is invoked as a source of industriousness and national resilience rather than mere resource nationalism. But without political liberalization, such dignity remains hollow, like a house rebuilt on a cracked foundation. For Europe, the United States and regional partners, the stakes could not be higher. Supporting a peaceful and democratic Algerian transition now is far less costly than managing the aftermath of its collapse later. The Casbah still stands. But the cracks are widening—and the walls may not hold much longer. Whether it crumbles or endures may depend on le nif evolving from a rigid symbol of cultural pride into a generative force for national renewal and regional cooperation.
