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Forbes
19-05-2025
- Business
- Forbes
Texas Reform Would Give More Voters A Say On Costly Ballot Measures
Texas State Capitol building in Austin Small slivers of the population in cities, towns, and counties across the U.S., nearly every spring, are able to saddle their fellow residents with millions and in some cases billions of dollars worth of new tax and spending obligation. Senate Bill 1209, which the Texas Senate recently passed, would put an end to this problem in the nation's second largest state by population size, ensuring that new taxpayer commitments are no longer made without input from most of the electorate. SB 1209, introduced by Senator Bryan Hughes (R), would require that all local bond measures authorizing new public debt obligations only be placed on the November general election ballot. Currently, local governments in Texas are able to put bond measures on the ballot in May and November. James Quintero, vice president at the Texas Public Policy Foundation, points to the low turnout witnessed in local elections earlier this month as the most recent example of the problem SB 1209 is seeking to solve. 'In some of Texas' largest, costliest bond elections, voter turnout was anemic, meaning that a tiny fraction of Texans obligated every one of their neighbors to new debt and higher taxes,' notes Quintero. 'This is not a good way to make big, important decisions.' SB 1209, which the Texas Senate passed in late April, is now awaiting consideration in the Texas House. The current legislative session adjourns on June 2. 'Bond elections are best decided when the most number of voters participate in the decision-making process,' adds Quintero. 'Something so obvious should prompt local governments to limit holding their bond elections to the uniform election date in November—and that's it.' SB 1209, should the Texas House send it to Governor Greg Abbott's desk (R), could be a model that state legislators elsewhere seek to implement. That's because the problem SB 1209 would solve is not unique to Texas. There are plenty of examples from other states of local bond and tax measures that have been approved in special elections or primary elections in which turnout is much lower than in November. In North Carolina, for example, two proposed sales tax hikes that the residents of Guilford County were asked to vote on in the two most recent election cycles demonstrate how there is need for SB 1209-style reforms in other states. Guilford County voters rejected those proposed sales tax hike in 2022 and again in 2024. The 2022 sales tax hike, however, was placed on the May ballot, while the 2024 sales tax hike appeared on the November general election ballot. While Guilford County voters rejected both proposed sales tax hikes, the difference in the share of the community that weighed in on those similar proposals helps explain why many want to see such measures only be put to voters in November general elections. In 2024, 265,930 of Guilford County voters cast ballots on the proposed sales tax hike, with 59% of them rejecting it. Only 74,880 people, however, voted on the 2022 sales tax hike, with 54% of them opposing it. While the 106,860 votes cast in favor of the 2024 sales tax hike were insufficient for passage last year, it would've taken only 37,441 Yes votes to approve the 2022 sales tax hike. Put another way, it would've taken support from less than 7% of Guilford County residents to pass the 2022 sales tax hike, while the 2024 sales tax increase would've needed support from nearly 25% of county residents in order to pass. As these recent Guilford County sales tax hikes demonstrate, placing measures on a lower turnout spring election permits a much smaller share of the community to saddle everyone with new debt and tax obligations. In addition to SB 1209, which would increase voter input on costly ballot measures, Texas lawmakers are also considering a proposal to provide greater truth in advertising when it comes to bond measures. Senate Bill 414, introduced by Senator Mayes Middleton (R-Galveston) would require all bond measures appearing on the ballot to inform voters about not only the amount of new debt to be authorized, but also the total interest costs that taxpayers will be paying off. Texans for Fiscal Responsibility (TFR) is among the organizations urging the Texas House to pass SB 414, touting it as a reform that 'promotes honesty, limits waste, and helps prevent unnecessary debt and tax hikes.' 'SB 414 makes local bond elections more transparent by requiring ballots to show the full cost of the debt—including interest—rather than just the principal,' TFR explained in their April 3 vote notice. 'It also mandates a voter information document that shows how much debt a local government already has and estimates how much taxes would go up on a $100,000 home. This prevents misleading bond proposals and gives taxpayers the tools they need to make informed decisions. The Texas House has two weeks to send SB 1209 to Governor Abbott's desk. Just as governors and lawmakers in states across the country are seeking to match Texas's lack of an income tax, other states are likely to follow the Lone Star State's lead in requiring election uniformity for bond measures and other important decisions.
Yahoo
02-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Will Saturday's elections be the last one in May for Texas?
LUFKIN — Saturday could be the last municipal election Texas will ever hold in May. And in Lovelady, a community of nearly 600 people in East Texas, they'll end the evening with a shrimp boil at their polling place. Cynthia Lum, the Houston County elections administrator overseeing Lovelady's voting this year, hopes the shrimp brings more folks to the polls. 'In their last election, which they ran themselves, they had two voters,' Lum said. 'So we've tripled their votes so far.' Participation in municipal elections, which largely happen the first Saturday in May, is notoriously low. That's one reason why Texas lawmakers are considering ending them. Senate Bill 1209, authored by Sen. Bryan Hughes, a Mineola Republican, would require most elections to be held in November and on Tuesdays. There are exceptions for the primaries, runoffs and special elections. That means city and school districts would be required to hold their elections in November, rather than May, as they are now. Hughes said he hopes the change will save money and drive up voter turnout. 'Low turnout elections are closely and resource-intensive. And since each election has substantial fixed costs, the cost per ballot increases significantly when there's low turnout,' Hughes told the State Affairs Committee. The drop from a general fall election to ones held in May are staggering. In November 2022, about 44% of registered Dallas County voters participated in the election. The next May, just 9%. 'People don't pay attention to local elections, and in May, they generally are local elections,' said Joyce LeBombard, president of the League of Women Voters in Texas. 'Usually, governor elections and above get more attention than anything else, even though those local elections impact voters, generally much more than National elections." Many small Texas cities, like Lovelady, will be lucky to see a dozen voters this weekend. Lum says the legislation, which has already won approval from the state Senate and is waiting for a House committee to review it, would ease the strain on smaller counties and cities of holding multiple elections a year. And it has the potential to save taxpayers. Elections cost a lot of money. Houston County estimated the Lovelady election might cost up to $15,000. That cost includes hiring election workers, voting machines and other supplies. Elections in the state's largest counties could run into the millions. For example, the 2021 May election in Dallas County cost more than $3.1 million. Moving the elections to November would instead allow more counties, cities and schools to split the cost, which could make a difference in small communities. 'Let's say it costs $8,000 to run one precinct, that $8,000 could be divided by the school, the city and possibly the hospital district,' Lum said. 'So instead of $8,000, you're dividing it between four entities and talking about a couple thousand.' While the change could save money, there are potential drawbacks. Large counties worry the change would create a lengthy ballot, which, in turn, would mean longer waiting times for voters, said Jennifer Doinoff, who spoke during the State Affairs Committee hearing on behalf of large and small counties for the Texas Association of County Election Officials. 'Another concern is that some (counties) feel that moving all the jurisdictions of the May ballot would increase the number of December runoffs, resulting in very low turnout for those elections, and that those runoffs typically happen right during the holidays,' Doinoff said. Small counties were typically in favor of the bill. Many small counties, who have smaller staff, struggle to carry out multiple elections at one time and meet deadlines, Doinoff said. Lum said there were many years in which she'd just finish everything needed for the March primaries when the May elections rolled around. And it became more hectic if a May runoff election was also needed. There would be different complications. Lum said. School districts whose borders span two counties would have to work out where voters cast their ballots, and it may complicate the timeline for bond issues. School districts will often seek bonds during the May elections with the goal of starting, and hopefully finishing, work by the start of school the following August, she said. Requiring a November election throws that out the window. 'Senate Bill 1209, removes local control and creates unnecessary financial and logistical burdens,' said Christopher Smith, the chief financial officer for Katy Independent School District, who spoke against this bill at the March 20 committee meeting. Smith, who also spoke on behalf of the Fast Growth Schools Coalition, added moving school elections to November could cost school board candidates and supporters of bond elections more money to advertise amid national politics. Common Cause Texas, a nonprofit voting advocacy group, opposes the bill. Emily French, the group's policy director, said in an interview, she worries that prohibiting election on Saturday could disenfranchise people who must work on Tuesdays. LeBombard, the League of Women Voters leader, sees it differently and thinks turnout will increase. 'There will be more items in the election for voters to think about and for people to talk about,' LeBombard said. 'So it will likely get more coverage than if it's just a (municipal water district) having an election.' Disclosure: Common Cause has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here. Tickets are on sale now for the 15th annual Texas Tribune Festival, Texas' breakout ideas and politics event happening Nov. 13–15 in downtown Austin. TribFest 2025 is presented by JPMorganChase.
Yahoo
17-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Speed camera reform stalls in Virginia Senate
Virginia's new General Assembly Building in downtown Richmond opened just before the 2024 legislative session. (Photo by Graham Moomaw/Virginia Mercury) After lawmakers uncovered millions in speed camera revenue across Virginia, a proposal to tighten regulations on the devices has hit a legislative roadblock. The General Assembly now waits to see whether a pared-down version of the plan will survive without triggering an expansion of automated enforcement. The holdup follows the failure of House Bill 2041 — sponsored by Del. Holly Seibold, D-Fairfax — along with two related Senate Bills, in the Senate Transportation Committee on Thursday. The 6-9 vote came amid a shake-up in the upper chamber's leadership, with Sen. Lamont Bagby, D-Henrico, replacing Sen. Jennifer Boysko, D-Fairfax, as committee chair. For Seibold, the outcome was frustrating, especially after making multiple concessions to local governments and camera vendors. Seibold said she even included language from Senate Bill 1209, sponsored by Sen. Mark Obenshain, R-Harrisonburg, requiring more regulations around operating speed cameras. 'I did act in best faith. I tried to give them everything they wanted, but clearly, they were working in the opposite direction of this bill all along,' Seibold said. Her push for reform is deeply personal. Seibold said she introduced the bill in memory of three Fairfax teenagers struck by a student driver going 81 mph in a 35 mph zone in 2022. Two of them, 15-year-old Leeyan Yan and 14-year-old Ada Martinez Nolasco, lost their lives. 'I don't care about local governments making money off these devices,' Seibold said. 'Local governments have many opportunities to make money, how to drive revenue, increase taxes. This is not a tool to make money. This is a tool to save lives.' HB 2041 would have required stricter approval for speed cameras, barred vendors from profiting off citations, ensured due process protections, and restricted revenue use to pedestrian safety improvements. Seibold is now closely watching Senate Bill 1233, sponsored by Sen. Angelia Williams Graves, D-Norfolk, which carries the same language as her bill and awaits consideration in the House. House Transportation Committee Chair Karrie Delaney, D-Fairfax, noted that both bills were merged on Thursday in an agreement between her and the then-Senate committee chair, Boysko. Lawmakers will now meet in a conference to negotiate final language for the Seibold-Williams Graves bill. Delaney hopes that the legislation will advance to a conference committee, ensuring the language from Seibold's proposal 'stays alive.' The measure has already cleared the Senate. It would allow law enforcement to install monitoring systems in school crossing zones, highway work zones, and high-risk intersections to record pedestrian crossing and stop sign violations. Still, Delaney said she was frustrated by the Senate Transportation Committee's rejection of Seibold's version of the bill. 'I'm disappointed by the Senate's actions, because we had an opportunity to really make a statement against the policing for profit scheme that many localities seem to have in place right now,' Delaney said. Before the committee voted on Seibold's bill, lawmakers conformed a third proposal — Senate Bill 776, introduced by Majority Leader Scott Surovell, D-Fairfax — to the Seibold-Williams Graves package. But the procedural move left Seibold unable to fully explain the bill's language or clarify where revenue from citations would be directed. Surovell's bill, which sought to expand speed cameras to roads in National Parks, passed in the Senate but ultimately failed in the House. The committee's decision reflects a broader sentiment among lawmakers: focus on tightening oversight of speed cameras rather than expanding their use. 'We all, I believe, are in agreement that these speed safety cameras have a role in helping to provide for better pedestrian safety and there are towns and localities who want to do this,' said Vice Chair David Reid, D-Loudoun, to The Mercury. 'But we also have to recognize that we've got to have the right type of guardrails to prevent abuse.' For now, speed camera reform remains in limbo, as lawmakers debate how far the regulations should go. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
