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Politico
19 hours ago
- Politics
- Politico
Israel Fights Also for Us
When a society can no longer distinguish between good and evil, between victim and perpetrator, it gives up. This dynamic is one of the great constants of human history. It is a lesson people in free societies — and people in totalitarian societies who yearn to be free — should keep in mind during the climactic showdown underway in the Middle East. Israel has struck a blow to prevent Iran from developing nuclear bombs — weapons that it might credibly use toward its stated goal of removing Israel from the planet. Make no mistake: This is not simply a matter of regional security. Nor should it be a proxy for whether one supports or opposes the current Israeli government's policy on Gaza or other subjects. This conflict is a central front in a global contest in which the forces of tyranny and violence in recent years have been gaining ground against the forces of freedom, which too often are demoralized and divided. In a world full of bad actors, Iran is the most aggressive and dangerous totalitarian force of our time. Its leaders seek to weaken and destroy free society, democracy and human rights with Russian and Chinese support. In Iran, women are systematically oppressed and abused. Homosexuals are murdered. Those who think differently are imprisoned and tortured. In Tehran, the cynical abuse of the civilian population in Gaza as human shields is also cold-bloodedly conceived and financed. According to official state doctrine, the primary goal of the mullahs in Tehran is the annihilation of the State of Israel. Ayatollah Khamenei has described Israel as a 'cancerous tumor.' And clocks in the streets of Tehran celebrate countdowns to the 'destruction of Israel.' But Israel is only the first target. Once Israel falls, Europe and America will be the focus. Radical Sunni and Shiite Islamism has been preparing for this for decades. The fatwa against Salman Rushdie, 9/11, the attacks in Paris, the caliphate of ISIS — each event was a warning sign. Only those who did not want to see the signs are surprised today. The attacks are directed against our values, our way of life. It is therefore surprising that Israel is not being celebrated worldwide for its historic, extremely precise and necessary strike against Iranian nuclear weapons facilities and for the targeted killing of leading terrorists, but that the public response is dominated by anti-Israel propaganda. The intelligence and precision of Israel's actions are not admired but are instead used here and there to perpetuate blatantly antisemitic stereotypes. This attitude is characterized not only by racist undertones, but also by a strange self-forgetfulness. If the perpetrator-victim reversal that has been repeatedly observed since Oct. 7 applies even in the most obvious case — Iran — then this can only be interpreted to mean that we are in the process of losing the culture war, which in reality has long since become a war of civilizations. And we seem to have no problem with that. It is what Michel Houellebecq called 'submission' in his visionary novel 10 years ago. As someone who has 40 years' experience as a journalist and publishing executive, I believe every government should be questioned critically about all the details of its policies — above all on matters of war and its consequences. But those details should not be allowed to obscure larger historical truths. Perhaps a German of my generation has a useful vantage point. Born in 1963, I grew up in a country and continent still shadowed by World War II and its crimes, including an effort by Germany to eradicate Jews across Europe. The first half of my journalism career saw freedom on the march. The Soviet Union collapsed, authoritarian governments across Eastern Europe were routed, Germany was reunited under democracy. The second half of my career, however, with authoritarianism on the rise in all directions — with governments hostile to the very idea of journalism, as well as democracy, pluralism, rule of law and basic standards of decency. These unwelcome developments highlighted how fragile the triumphs of the late 20th century may be in the 21st. The contest between free societies and murderous tyrants is enduring. That's why warnings of dangerous escalation that can be heard from politicians in the West are particularly misplaced. The argument is as stale as it is false. Those warning of escalation are to blame for Vladimir Putin being on the verge of winning his terrible war of conquest in Ukraine. And those warning of escalation are to blame for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. This could have been prevented with decisive resistance from the West in the first days of the attack. Dictators decide for themselves when to escalate. Usually when they do not encounter enough strength and resistance. This also applies to Iran. If Israel does not achieve its goals — destruction of the nuclear facilities, maximum weakening of the terrorist regime and, ideally, the removal of the mullahs — the world will quickly look very different. China will seize this historic opportunity to annex Taiwan sooner than expected. Largely without resistance. The moment is favorable. Because America and Europe cannot win a three-front war and therefore cannot fight it. But if the anti-democratic triangle — China, Russia, Iran — succeeds in this coup, a different, non-democratic world order will prevail. That is why America and Europe, in their own interests alone, must stand united with Israel and do everything in their power to ensure that this historic liberation is achieved. This morning, my son asked me a question: 'In the near future, will Israel become more like us, living in peace, or will we become more like Israel?' It depends. It depends on us.
New York Times
2 days ago
- Politics
- New York Times
Live Updates: Iran Fires Missiles at Israel in Retaliation for Strikes on Nuclear Sites
News Analysis For years Israel's prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, oversaw a clandestine conflict with Iran, one in which every move was calibrated to avoid an all-out war between two of the region's most powerful militaries. Even last year, when both sides openly attacked each other for the first time, Israel avoided strikes that risked igniting a drawn-out battle. Now, Mr. Netanyahu has thrown caution to the wind with an astonishingly brazen and broad attack on Iran that will likely unleash weeks or more of turmoil across the region. On Mr. Netanyahu's orders, Israel has targeted not only Iran's nuclear sites but its air defenses, its military bases and its most senior military leadership. In doing so, analysts said, Mr. Netanyahu had short-term motivations: to derail diplomatic negotiations between the United States and Iran, and to prevent the immediate expansion of Iran's nuclear program. He also has far grander aspirations. For decades, Mr. Netanyahu has presented the Shiite Islamist regime in Iran as the greatest threat to Israel's security, both because of its homegrown efforts to build a nuclear bomb, and because of Iran's support for Palestinian militias and other Arab groups opposed to Israel. After years of advocating for the overwhelming use of force to quell that danger, Mr. Netanyahu finally seems ready to turn his threats into action — perhaps, analysts said, with an eye on his place in Israeli history Mr. Netanyahu now risks embroiling the region, and potentially, the United States, in conflict as he faces domestic turmoil at home and greater international censure over his conduct of the war against Hamas in Gaza. Image Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Israeli parliament in Jerusalem on Wednesday. Credit... Menahem Kahana/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images 'For him, this is personal — for 25 years, he has been talking about this,' said Nadav Shtrauchler, a former adviser to Mr. Netanyahu, and an Israeli political analyst. 'This is the big picture that he has been aiming for. This is his legacy.' Mr. Netanyahu had planned a large-scale attack on Iran more than a decade ago, during a previous term as prime minister. But he ultimately called it off under pressure from the Obama administration and amid concerns in his cabinet about Israel's military capabilities. In 2015, he risked a rupture with President Obama by making a speech to Congress in which he criticized Mr. Obama's efforts to curb Iran's nuclear program through diplomacy. Recent events have made it easier for the military to strike, likely emboldening Mr. Netanyahu. Over the last year and a half, Israel decimated Iran's regional alliances and reduced Iran's own defensive capabilities. Hezbollah, Iran's ally in Lebanon, is now severely weakened, while the Syrian government, another Iranian ally, was overthrown in December. Finally, the election of President Trump widened the window of opportunity. Though Mr. Trump pursued a diplomatic arrangement with Iran over its nuclear ambitions and even asked Mr. Netanyahu to delay the strike, the president at times seemed more willing than President Biden to entertain the idea of an attack. 'Diplomatically, Trump's election gave Netanyahu a president willing to rhetorically back a credible military threat,' said Michael Koplow, an analyst at Israel Policy Forum, a New York-based research group. 'Netanyahu's preference to deal with Iran's nuclear program through military action has been crystal clear for years, and he finally had his perfect storm of opportunity,' Mr. Koplow added. Domestically, Mr. Netanyahu also stands to benefit from a strike on Iran. His reputation as the guardian of Israel's security was tarnished by Hamas's attack on Israel in October 2023, the deadliest security failure in Israel's history. If the attack on Friday, which also killed two Iranian nuclear scientists, severely diminishes Iran's nuclear program, analysts said, Mr. Netanyahu could bolster his national standing ahead of a general election next year. 'Netanyahu wants to start his election year with a visible advantage,' said Mazal Mualem, a biographer of Mr. Netanyahu and a political commentator. 'Instead of bearing the responsibility for Oct. 7, he wants to be able to etch his role in the history of Israel as the statesman who defeated the Iranian nuclear program,' Ms. Mualem said. 'But all this of course depends on how things will develop.' Eventually, it could also present Mr. Netanyahu with an opportunity to end the war in Gaza, Mr. Shtrauchler said. For more than a year, Mr. Netanyahu has refused to consider a permanent truce in Gaza without Hamas's complete defeat there, amid strong resistance to such an outcome from his right-wing allies. By inflicting meaningful wounds on Hamas's biggest benefactor, Iran, it may be easier for Mr. Netanyahu to compromise in Gaza, Mr. Shtrauchler said. Now, Mr. Shtrauchler said, 'He can wrap it up and say we changed the equation for the good. I don't think it will happen tomorrow, but it's a huge step toward that.'
