Latest news with #SirajuddinHaqqani
The National
27-05-2025
- Business
- The National
UAE official meets Afghanistan's new consul general to Dubai
A senior UAE official underlined the importance of bilateral ties with Afghanistan after holding talks with Abdul Rahman Fida, the country's new consul general to Dubai and the Northern Emirates. Sheikh Maktoum bin Butti Al Maktoum, director of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Office in Dubai, on Tuesday received the consular credentials of the envoy at an official meeting. Sheikh Maktoum welcomed the consul general and congratulated him on his appointment during discussions held at the ministry's Dubai office, state news agency Wam reported. He wished Mr Fida success in his duties and commended the strong political, economic, commercial and investment ties between the nations. The meeting underscored the UAE's commitment to bolstering links with Afghanistan and supporting its future development. In January, President Sheikh Mohamed received Sirajuddin Haqqani, Afghanistan's Minister of the Interior, at Qasr Al Shati in Abu Dhabi. They reviewed efforts to support Afghanistan's reconstruction and stability, seeking to foster development and prosperity for the Afghan people. Mr Haqqani also commended the UAE's humanitarian assistance to the Afghan people.
Time of India
30-04-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Enemy's enemy
With tensions rising along the India-Pakistan border after the Pahalgam terror attack and in anticipation of a possible military-security response by New Delhi, GOI is making some smart tactical moves with Taliban in Afghanistan. New Delhi has reached out to Kabul to highlight Islamabad's links with the Pahalgam attack, prompting the Taliban regime to offer condemnation of the heinous killings and call for action against the perpetrators. This should have the Pakistani generals in Rawalpindi GHQ worried. After all, the Pakistani ISI-military establishment has long fretted an Indian strategic pincer assault from both its eastern and western wings. And with Islamabad having a tough time with Kabul after Taliban's return in 2021 – thanks to the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan insurgency – a tactical convergence between India and Afghanistan will put Pakistan under tremendous pressure. This is exactly the reason the Pakistani establishment over decades has tried to cultivate Afghanistan as strategic depth in the event of conflict with India. That in turn subverted Afghanistan's aspirations and stymied its development. Plus, there are some differences between the current Taliban regime and its previous avatar. The latter was isolationist whereas the former has been actively seeking foreign investments and, to a limited degree, even tourism. In other words, Taliban 2.0 knows that it can't be a carbon copy of its earlier version. Nor can it have the same relationship with Pakistan as before. That said, some things continue to be problematic like the ban on secondary and higher education for Afghan girls and the bar on Afghan women from working. Also, Taliban is not a monolith. There are different factions and some continue to work with Pakistani agencies. Add to this the haunting memories for India of the IC 814 hijacking. Therefore, the challenge for New Delhi is to find the right people in Taliban to work with. Interestingly, US last month lifted its $10mn bounty on Sirajuddin Haqqani, Taliban's interim interior minister and once a huge thorn in the side of the US military. Hence, it's clear that even Washington is resetting its approach to key members of the Taliban regime. India and US should coordinate in this regard to promote stability and incentivise reforms in Afghanistan. A step-by-step approach that prioritises mutual interests between New Delhi and Kabul is the need of the hour. Pakistan must be made to sweat by strategically outflanking it from the west. This should also give pause to ISI's recently revived anti-India shenanigans in Bangladesh. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email This piece appeared as an editorial opinion in the print edition of The Times of India.
Yahoo
23-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - Rare earth, hard choices: America's Haqqani gambit in Afghanistan
Afghanistan hasn't been in the headlines much lately. It's slipped into the background of American consciousness — just another unfinished story in a long list of slow-burning global flashpoints. But out of the attention span of the West, something is shifting that deserves attention. Since the U.S. withdrawal in August 2021, the Taliban haven't operated as a single, unified movement. Power has quietly shifted between two rival factions: the Kandaharis — hardline, ideological and socially rigid — and the Haqqani network, a more pragmatic group known for intelligence ties, political instincts, and long memory. Since the withdrawal, the Kandaharis, led by Taliban Supreme Leader Hibatullah Akhundzada, called the shots. They imposed restrictions on girls' education, shut down civil society and kept foreign engagement at arm's length. It was rule by isolation and decrees. The Haqqanis, for their part, stayed in the background — watching, waiting, building alliances and letting the other faction absorb public frustration. That wait-and-see approach may be over. In recent months, Sirajuddin Haqqani, the network's leader and Afghanistan's interior minister, has stepped into the spotlight. He has been giving interviews to international outlets, hinting at economic revitalization and even suggesting a return to school for girls. It's not a full reversal of Taliban rule, but it's a tonal shift — a signal to the outside world that not all doors are closed. Adding to this picture, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, leader of Hezb-e Islami, Afghanistan's second-largest militant group, has voiced concern over the country's direction under Taliban rule. A former mujahideen commander and longtime Islamist figure, Hekmatyar warned Afghanistan is 'not moving in the right direction' and has suggested a 'dignified council' assist the government. Notably, he has aligned more closely with the Haqqani faction, signaling broader discontent with Kandahari leadership and adding weight to the possibility of an internal shift. If that's what it is, then it's time the U.S. started knocking. The Haqqanis are not reformers in any Western sense. They are not allies. But they are power players who understand leverage, and they see that Afghanistan's economy is still on life support. Any U.S. overture would carry political risk and draw scrutiny. Engaging with them would require strict conditions, oversight and a clear-eyed understanding that this is leverage, not legitimacy. With aid frozen, jobs evaporating, and the banking system teetering, over 90 percent of Afghans are living below the poverty line. Humanitarian shipments, informal trade and whatever cash remains in the depleted system fuel the country. The Haqqanis know this is not sustainable. What most Americans may not realize is that Afghanistan sits atop vast untapped mineral wealth — an estimated $1 trillion in resources, including copper, iron, rare earth elements and, most significantly, lithium. China already dominates the global lithium supply chain, and recently suspended rare earth exports to the U.S. in response to the Trump administration's tariffs. In Afghanistan, since the U.S. withdrawal, Beijing has moved aggressively to close mining deals and infrastructure contracts that could cement its influence for decades. Iran and Russia are maneuvering, too. But many Afghan leaders, even within the Taliban, prefer working with the United States — not because they trust us, but because they respect U.S. systems, contracts, transparency and accountability. They may not say it publicly, but quietly signal they don't like China's fast deals and their long-term costs. This isn't a call for recognition or a major infusion of humanitarian aid. It's not about revisiting the past. It's about understanding that in the power vacuum left behind, the U.S. still holds cards — it just needs to play them wisely. What would that look like? First, start small and stay quiet. Identify sectors — mineral development, infrastructure, logistics — where limited engagement could unlock value and provide alternatives to Chinese dominance. Bagram, the sprawling airbase, with its existing infrastructure and strategic location, could serve as a cornerstone for economic development and potentially house a discreet U.S. consulate to support commercial engagement. Tie cooperation to specific outcomes: reopening girls' schools, allowing monitored trade and keeping humanitarian operations safe. Second, offer intelligence coordination on the Islamic State branch that continues to menace Afghanistan. It's a threat both the U.S. and the Haqqanis take seriously, and the Haqqanis have networks on the ground that could prove useful if a trust-building channel is opened. But here's the key: This initiative must not be driven by the same people who shaped the last 20 years. Former officials, Kabul-era consultants or Afghans who fled during the collapse cannot lead this effort. They bring too much baggage, mistrust and complication. The U.S. needs fresh intermediaries, people who understand the new political terrain, who can talk without echoing the past and who can deliver conversations that focus on the future. That's what credibility looks like now. If the U.S. steps back and leaves the field open, China will move in. Beijing won't ask about girls' schools, and they won't worry about development or labor rights. They'll take the minerals, build the roads and tighten their grip. Russia and Iran will carve out their pieces too, building spheres of influence that make the region less stable. Meanwhile, the Kandahari wing will grow stronger, bolstered by money and leverage the Haqqanis could have used to drive modest change. If the U.S. wants any say in what Afghanistan looks like five years from now, the time to act is now. Afghanistan may never be the same. But it's not done evolving. What's happening now — a realignment inside the Taliban, an unspoken preference for U.S. partnership and a recognition that isolation is a dead end — represents one of the few real openings since 2021. The U.S. doesn't need to flood the zone. It just needs to re-enter the room. We missed our chance to shape how the war ended. Let's not miss the chance to shape what comes next. Open a quiet line. Put a real offer on the table — targeted, conditional and strategic. And above all, send a new generation of envoys who are not tied to the ghosts of Kabul's past. There are no guarantees. But there's also no excuse for missing the moment. Ron MacCammon is a retired U.S. Army Special Forces colonel and former political officer for the Department of State. He has worked on humanitarian demining and conventional weapons destruction programs in Afghanistan and Africa. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
23-04-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Rare earth, hard choices: America's Haqqani gambit in Afghanistan
Afghanistan hasn't been in the headlines much lately. It's slipped into the background of American consciousness — just another unfinished story in a long list of slow-burning global flashpoints. But out of the attention span of the West, something is shifting that deserves attention. Since the U.S. withdrawal in August 2021, the Taliban haven't operated as a single, unified movement. Power has quietly shifted between two rival factions: the Kandaharis — hardline, ideological and socially rigid — and the Haqqani network, a more pragmatic group known for intelligence ties, political instincts, and long memory. Since the withdrawal, the Kandaharis, led by Taliban Supreme Leader Hibatullah Akhundzada, called the shots. They imposed restrictions on girls' education, shut down civil society and kept foreign engagement at arm's length. It was rule by isolation and decrees. The Haqqanis, for their part, stayed in the background — watching, waiting, building alliances and letting the other faction absorb public frustration. That wait-and-see approach may be over. In recent months, Sirajuddin Haqqani, the network's leader and Afghanistan's interior minister, has stepped into the spotlight. He has been giving interviews to international outlets, hinting at economic revitalization and even suggesting a return to school for girls. It's not a full reversal of Taliban rule, but it's a tonal shift — a signal to the outside world that not all doors are closed. Adding to this picture, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, leader of Hezb-e Islami, Afghanistan's second-largest militant group, has voiced concern over the country's direction under Taliban rule. A former mujahideen commander and longtime Islamist figure, Hekmatyar warned Afghanistan is 'not moving in the right direction' and has suggested a 'dignified council' assist the government. Notably, he has aligned more closely with the Haqqani faction, signaling broader discontent with Kandahari leadership and adding weight to the possibility of an internal shift. If that's what it is, then it's time the U.S. started knocking. The Haqqanis are not reformers in any Western sense. They are not allies. But they are power players who understand leverage, and they see that Afghanistan's economy is still on life support. Any U.S. overture would carry political risk and draw scrutiny. Engaging with them would require strict conditions, oversight and a clear-eyed understanding that this is leverage, not legitimacy. With aid frozen, jobs evaporating, and the banking system teetering, over 90 percent of Afghans are living below the poverty line. Humanitarian shipments, informal trade and whatever cash remains in the depleted system fuel the country. The Haqqanis know this is not sustainable. What most Americans may not realize is that Afghanistan sits atop vast untapped mineral wealth — an estimated $1 trillion in resources, including copper, iron, rare earth elements and, most significantly, lithium. China already dominates the global lithium supply chain, and recently suspended rare earth exports to the U.S. in response to the Trump administration's tariffs. In Afghanistan, since the U.S. withdrawal, Beijing has moved aggressively to close mining deals and infrastructure contracts that could cement its influence for decades. Iran and Russia are maneuvering, too. But many Afghan leaders, even within the Taliban, prefer working with the United States — not because they trust us, but because they respect U.S. systems, contracts, transparency and accountability. They may not say it publicly, but quietly signal they don't like China's fast deals and their long-term costs. This isn't a call for recognition or a major infusion of humanitarian aid. It's not about revisiting the past. It's about understanding that in the power vacuum left behind, the U.S. still holds cards — it just needs to play them wisely. What would that look like? First, start small and stay quiet. Identify sectors — mineral development, infrastructure, logistics — where limited engagement could unlock value and provide alternatives to Chinese dominance. Bagram, the sprawling airbase, with its existing infrastructure and strategic location, could serve as a cornerstone for economic development and potentially house a discreet U.S. consulate to support commercial engagement. Tie cooperation to specific outcomes: reopening girls' schools, allowing monitored trade and keeping humanitarian operations safe. Second, offer intelligence coordination on the Islamic State branch that continues to menace Afghanistan. It's a threat both the U.S. and the Haqqanis take seriously, and the Haqqanis have networks on the ground that could prove useful if a trust-building channel is opened. But here's the key: This initiative must not be driven by the same people who shaped the last 20 years. Former officials, Kabul-era consultants or Afghans who fled during the collapse cannot lead this effort. They bring too much baggage, mistrust and complication. The U.S. needs fresh intermediaries, people who understand the new political terrain, who can talk without echoing the past and who can deliver conversations that focus on the future. That's what credibility looks like now. If the U.S. steps back and leaves the field open, China will move in. Beijing won't ask about girls' schools, and they won't worry about development or labor rights. They'll take the minerals, build the roads and tighten their grip. Russia and Iran will carve out their pieces too, building spheres of influence that make the region less stable. Meanwhile, the Kandahari wing will grow stronger, bolstered by money and leverage the Haqqanis could have used to drive modest change. If the U.S. wants any say in what Afghanistan looks like five years from now, the time to act is now. Afghanistan may never be the same. But it's not done evolving. What's happening now — a realignment inside the Taliban, an unspoken preference for U.S. partnership and a recognition that isolation is a dead end — represents one of the few real openings since 2021. The U.S. doesn't need to flood the zone. It just needs to re-enter the room. We missed our chance to shape how the war ended. Let's not miss the chance to shape what comes next. Open a quiet line. Put a real offer on the table — targeted, conditional and strategic. And above all, send a new generation of envoys who are not tied to the ghosts of Kabul's past. There are no guarantees. But there's also no excuse for missing the moment. Ron MacCammon is a retired U.S. Army Special Forces colonel and former political officer for the Department of State. He has worked on humanitarian demining and conventional weapons destruction programs in Afghanistan and Africa.
Asharq Al-Awsat
27-03-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
US Drops Bounties on Top Afghan Taliban Officials
The United States has removed multimillion-dollar bounties on leaders of Afghanistan's feared Haqqani militant network, including the current Taliban interior minister, the State Department and the Taliban government said. The Haqqani network was responsible for some of the deadliest attacks during the decades-long war in Afghanistan, AFP said. The men remain on Washington's list of "specially designated global terrorists" but the bounty price has been scrapped. Taliban interior ministry spokesman Abdul Mateen Qani told AFP that Washington had "cancelled rewards" for Sirajuddin Haqqani -- who also heads the Haqqani network -- as well as other key leaders, Abdul Aziz Haqqani and Yahya Haqqani. Sirajuddin Haqqani had long been one of Washington's most important targets, with a $10 million bounty on his head. The US State Department said that "the three persons named remain designated as Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGTs), and the Haqqani Network remains designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization and a SDGT". But while the wanted page remains active, the bounty on the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) website has been removed. "It is the policy of the United States to consistently review and refine Rewards for Justice reward offers," a State Department spokesperson told AFP on Wednesday. 'Largely symbolic' The bounty cancellation came days after the first visit by US officials to Afghanistan since President Donald Trump returned to office, and the announcement afterwards of the release of a US citizen by Taliban authorities. US-based Afghan political analyst Abdul Wahed Faqiri told AFP that the bounty removal is likely "largely symbolic" but a way for the United States to "give credit to Sirajuddin Haqqani", seen as an emerging more moderate "alternative". Media reports talk of increasing tensions between the "pragmatic" Haqqani figures and a more hardline circle around Taliban supreme leader Hibatullah Akhundzada, who vie for influence within the government. Despite the US bounty and international travel bans, Sirajuddin Haqqani has travelled outside Afghanistan multiple times since the Taliban government swept back to power in 2021. The government in Kabul is not recognized by any country and has expressed hopes for "a new chapter" with Trump's administration. Trump signed a peace deal with the Taliban during his first term in office, that paved the way for the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 and their return to power.
