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IOL News
23-05-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
The Great White Offload: AfriForum and the Export Scam of the Century
Just as the United States dumped its low-grade chicken parts into Africa through AGOA — wings, necks, gizzards — AfriForum and Solidariteit appear to have tried the same trick with what they perceive as politically expired volk, says the writer. Image: IOL Gillian Schutte Donald Trump was promised Christian farmers fleeing 'white genocide' in South Africa. What he got instead was AfriForum's charity box of surplus volk: out-of-work bouncers, hairdresser assistants, boarding house managers, and working-class families looking for a better life. If the contents of that consignment had been chicken instead of people, the U.S. Department of Agriculture would've shut it down for misleading labelling. Just as the United States dumped its low-grade chicken parts into Africa through AGOA — wings, necks, gizzards — AfriForum and Solidariteit appear to have tried the same trick with what they perceive as politically expired volk. It was strategic dumping — with a PR budget. Disguised as a refugee programme, this was AfriForum's Great White Offload. Ideological offcuts in the guise of human cargo. The roots of this export scheme reach far deeper. The poor white problem in South Africa emerged in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as economic shifts, drought, and the fallout of the Anglo-Boer War pushed large numbers of Afrikaners into unemployment and despair. These were white people falling out of whiteness — collapsing into visible poverty in a society premised on the illusion of white superiority. By the 1930s, this so alarmed the ruling elite that the Carnegie Corporation of New York was invited to investigate. Their report didn't call for inclusive upliftment. It recommended the structural elevation of poor whites into the formal economy — achieved by kicking Black people out of skilled jobs, redistributing state resources to whites, and creating an entire welfare system reserved for the pale and struggling. Apartheid picked up this baton with fervour. Job reservation, racial quotas, and whites-only benefits became the architecture of white respectability. But by the 1990s, as the democratic transition unfolded, the scaffold was dismantled. Suddenly, whiteness no longer came with guarantees — and many of those once sheltered by policy were left exposed. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Fast-forward to the post-1994 stage play, and the volk were now untouchables. They camped in informal settlements, hoarded cheap liquor, and haunted traffic lights. The Afrikaner elite, having jumped ship from volk socialism to neoliberal capitalism, turned their backs — unless the poor could be used as extras in the next episode of 'White Victimhood: Global Edition.' Enter Solidariteit, which became the Discovery Health of Afrikaner identity — premiums high, benefits selective. And then came Roets, who grew up in Solidariteit, broadcasting his resignation from the union, only to re-emerge in Washington — stroking his chin like a chipmunk on Ritalin, peddling the narrative of white victimhood to any outlet that would listen. He appeared on platforms like Tucker Carlson, warning of a 'white genocide' with the jittery earnestness of a man who mistook his PR script for scripture. Shortly after, the broader AfriForum brigade landed in the States — armed with press kits, moral indignation, and the trumped-up land expropriation story embellished just enough to pass for human rights advocacy. Their mission: distract from decades of complicity by reframing strategic abandonment as persecution. What followed was pure spectacle. Farm murders were rebranded as genocide, and economic reform morphed into cultural warfare. Roets preached in polished English to people who think Johannesburg is a city teeming with elephants, tsotsis (gangsters), and safari jeeps — depending on which Indiana Jones film they last watched. President Trump lapped it up — like any white supremacist handed a story that flattered his worldview. In this exported discourse, the strategic group was no longer white addicts with broken teeth and expired ID books. They were now noble victims — refugees in biblical proportions — waiting to be airlifted to American suburbia. But the export was selective. In true eugenicist fashion, Trump wanted white bodies that appeared intact — wholesome enough to fit the fantasy. So the architects of this refugee 'crisis' didn't send the barefoot meth heads or the cousin who thinks 5G causes liberalism. They sent the 'better poor whites' — the ones who could still say 'Yes, sir' without spitting out a tooth. Clean shirt. Church background. Desperation with decorum. Those who didn't qualify were left behind — still in shacks, still invisible. No funding drives. No Elon Musk tweetstorms. Just the slow erasure of those who had once patrolled the walls of apartheid and were now its abandoned children.
Yahoo
09-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
‘Not for Us': White South African Groups Reject Trump's Immigration Offer
President Donald Trump offered to take in white South Africans as refugees only to get swiftly turned down by the largest lobby groups representing minority Afrikaners. Trump signed an executive order on Friday directing immigration officials to prioritize the resettlement of Afrikaners, the descendants of European, mostly Dutch, settlers. In doing so, he cited a recently passed land expropriation law by the government of Cyril Ramaphosa, which is designed to address inequalities left over from South Africa's former white supremacist rule. Under the new expropriation law, the government is allowed to claim land without compensation if it is deemed 'just and equitable and in the public interest.' This could include cases where land isn't being used or where negotiations with current owners have failed. Afrikaners, who make up only eight percent of South Africa's 60 million population, own roughly three quarters of the privately owned farmland in the country. About four percent is owned by Black South Africans, who make up almost 80 percent of the population. Land distribution has been a heated issue since, inextricably tied to racial discrimination against Black South Africans, since the end of the apartheid in 1994. In the 1950s, the apartheid-era National Party seized the vast majority of the country's farmlands, ejecting millions of Black people from their property and livelihoods in the process. Trump claimed the expropriation law will make Afrikaners the 'victims of unjust racial discrimination' and accused South Africa of 'rights violations' against some white citizens. Trump's South African-born lieutenant Elon Musk has been a vocal critic of the expropriation law, as well. In addition to opening the door to white South African refugees, Trump's order called for a halt to foreign aid to their country. But Trump's order was met with pushback from Afrikaner groups, including even the hard right white nationalist AfriForum, which has long lobbied American conservatives. 'We did not accuse the government of large scale, race based land grabs or distribute false information in this regard,' Flip Buys, the chair of AfriForum and umbrella organization Solidariteit, said at a press conference Saturday. 'We want to state clearly that we were not aware that Mr. Trump would issue this order.' 'Emigration only offers an opportunity for Afrikaners who are willing to risk potentially sacrificing their descendants' cultural identity as Afrikaners, the price for that is simply too high,' added Kallie Kriel, AfriForum's CEO. The group also said it opposes Trump's freeze on aid to South Africa, though ultimately blamed their political opponent, Ramaphosa, for the diplomatic fallout. Solidariteit, which says it represents two million Afrikaners and includes a trade union, said in its own statement that 'repatriation of Afrikaners as refugees is not a solution for us.' 'We may disagree with [Ramaphosa's ruling African National Congress party], but we love our country,' the group added. Pretoria condemned Trump's 'campaign of misinformation and propaganda" against the country, in a statement issued by the foreign ministry Saturday, which also took a shot at the U.S. president's mass deportation campaigns 'It is ironic that the executive order makes provision for refugee status in the U.S. for a group in South Africa that remains amongst the most economically privileged, while vulnerable people in the U.S. from other parts of the world are being deported and denied asylum despite real hardship,' the statement reads.