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India Today
29-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Narrowing Naxal hubs: How India's red corridor has shrunk
Bastar is off the red map. Top Maoist leader Nambala Keshava Rao, better known by his nom de guerre Basavaraju, was killed by security forces on May 21 in Chhattisgarh's Abujhmad area. Union Home Minister Amit Shah said that the Centre is committed to completely eradicating Naxalism from the country before March 31 next of the red corridor"From Pashupati to Tirupati". That was once the phrase used to describe the red corridor, districts of India where Naxalites have a presence and influence, from Nepal's southern border to the temple towns of southern can be seen in a Rajya Sabha response from 2013, which noted that a total of 182 districts were affected by Left-wing extremists in India. This included severely affected and moderately affected districts in 20 states and Union territories. According to an April press release by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the number of such districts was reduced from 126 to 90 in April 2018, 70 in July 2021, and further to 38 in April 2024. The press note said that the number of affected districts is only 18 number of most affected districts was reduced from 12 to six. These include four districts from Chhattisgarh (Bijapur, Kanker, Narayanpur, and Sukma), one from Jharkhand (West Singhbhum), and one from Maharashtra (Gadchiroli).The number of districts of concern where additional resources need to be intensively provided has been reduced from nine to six. And the number of other affected districts also decreased from 17 to six.A QUARTER-CENTURY OF BLOODSHEDadvertisementOver two decades, the number of crossfires between Indian forces and Naxals has taken many lives in Chhattisgarh. This includes civilians. According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, there were 4,119 fatalities in the state due to extremism: 1,242 security personnel, 1,063 civilians, and 1,814 militants. In 2024, 235 Naxals were killed — the highest in 25 year, as of May 17, seven districts in Chhattisgarh (Gariaband, Kanker, Kondagaon, Narayanpur, Dantewada, Bijapur and Sukma) saw a face-off between Naxals and security forces. A total of 38 such incidents were reported by the South Asia Terrorism Portal, during which 178 militants were the last two decades, 4,828 insurgents have laid down their guns in Chhattisgarh. The number of surrenders peaked in 2016, when 1,232 extremists surrendered. Then-Minister of Home Affairs, Rajnath Singh, suggested that the demonetisation drive was a possible cause for this. Last year, 332 Naxals surrendered. And already this year, 356 extremists have surrendered in the state.3C FORMULARoad Connectivity: For the expansion of the road network, 14,395 km of roads have been constructed. Of these, 11,474 km have been constructed in the last 10 Connectivity: To improve telecom connectivity, 5,139 cell towers have been installed in Naxalite-affected Connectivity: For financial inclusion of residents of the 30 most Naxal-affected districts — a significant number of them are tribal folk — 1,007 bank branches, 937 ATMs, and 5,731 new post offices have been opened since April InMust Watch
Arabian Post
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Arabian Post
Growing Islamic Terrorism Is A Global Phenomenon
By Nantoo Banerjee Pakistan is back in the business of pushing Jihadists into India. It is the same old story. Last week, barely 12 days after the announcement of a ceasefire on 10 May, Pakistani terrorists in Jammu & Kashmir's Kishtwar district killed an Indian soldier in an encounter with the security forces. When were those Pakistani Jihadists pushed to J&K – before, or after the May 10th ceasefire? Has the Pakistani deep state taken seriously India's warning that the country may resume military attacks on Pakistan if the latter fails to keep a tight rein on its Islamist terror outfits to prevent attacks on India? Ironically, the latest Pakistani terror attack took place at a time when India's all-party delegations of Parliamentarians were out to campaign on 'India's Operation Sindoor Global Outreach' to tell the countries across the world that Pakistan only thrives on terrorism. Last week, India's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Parvathaneni Harish, said that over 20,000 Indians have been killed in terrorist attacks in the last four decades. 'Pakistan state-sponsored cross-border terrorism in India seeks to hold hostage the lives of civilians, religious harmony, and economic prosperity,' he said. According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, there were reports of as many as 87 incidents of killing involving 273 terrorists across India since January, this year alone. It provided data specifically for Jammu and Kashmir, showing 18 incidents of killing and involvements of 25 insurgents cum extremists. In 2024, India experienced 61 terrorist attacks in J&K. The most agonizing part is that almost all Islamist terror attacks on India are sponsored by the state of Pakistan and its agencies. These attacks include the one on India's Parliament on December 13, 2001, by five Jaish-e-Mohammed terrorists. Will the state of Pakistan ever rein in its Islamist terror outfits? Most unlikely. The state of Pakistan and its military are said to be deeply linked with the grooming of terrorists and helping them sneak into India through the complex and highly militarized boundary, covering approximately 3,323 kilometres, between the two countries. The India-Pakistan border covers two parts of India. They include India's states of Gujarat and Rajasthan, and Pakistan provinces of Sindh and Punjab. The border also includes Sir Creek, a tidal estuary in the Rann of Kutch. The Line of Control (LOC), established in 1972 after the Indo-Pak War, divides the territory into Indian-administered Kashmir (J&K and Ladakh) and Pakistan-administered Azad Kashmir and Gilgit–Baltistan. The India-Pakistan border has always remained a source of high tension and conflict, with numerous cross-border incidents, military standoffs, and wars. The border remains one of the world's most dangerous international boundaries with Pakistan reported to be constantly pushing trained terrorists into India to unsettle the country's peace and security. The continuing Pakistan-sponsored Islamist terrorism may be an extremely unfortunate part of the relationship between the two south Asian nations, but they seem to follow a global pattern as Islamist terrorism is growing across the world. Barely five months passed through the current year, there have already been several notable Islamic terror attacks. A mass stabbing in Iraq on April 1, was attributed to Anti-Assyrian sentiment and the Islamic State insurgents. On April 15, a massive bombing was linked to terrorism in Pakistan and the Balochistan insurgency. From April 13, a series of arson and shooting incidents occurred in Europe for several days, all said to be linked with Islamist terrorism. These events highlight the ongoing nature of Islamist terrorist threats in various regions. The growing Islamic terrorism has not spared most countries in the world, having a recognisable Islamic population, except China. The latter has shown the world how to control religious violence. A vast majority of Chinese Muslim adults come from 10 ethnic minority groups that traditionally practice Islam, the two largest being those from the Hui community and Uyghurs. Most of China's Muslims live in the country's northwestern region, particularly in the areas of Gansu, Qinghai, Ningxia and Xinjiang, bordering Central Asia's Muslim republics. Unlike in most other countries with Muslim population, China seems to have ensured even a birth control system to contain the Muslim ratio. Paradoxically, China seems to enjoy a fearful respect from all Islamic countries. China practically controls the Islamic states of Pakistan and Bangladesh as also Sri Lanka, a majority Buddhist country, through trade, economic and military cooperation. Along with innocent civilians, terrorists are also dying in hordes as the countries with significant or growing Muslim populations constantly take innovative measures to tackle terrorism. The latest Global Terrorism Index revealed a significant increase in terrorist deaths, with 8,352 fatalities, the highest since 2017. The recent terrorist attacks were more deadly, particularly in the Central Sahel region of sub-Saharan Africa, a new epicentre of terrorism. Islamic State (IS) and its affiliates, along with Jamaat Nusrat Al-Islam Muslimeen (JNIM), a franchise of Al-Qaeda, were the most active terrorist organizations in this region. The Vision of Humanity identified IS and its affiliates as the deadliest, responsible for 1,805 deaths across 22 countries. Other major groups include Pakistan's Tehrik-e-Taliban and Al-Shabaab. Although the number of terrorist incidents, last year, decreased by 22 percent, the average number of people killed per attack increased by 56 percent, making them more lethal. The 'Lone Wolf' attacks in the western world, driven by individuals radicalized online, increased significantly, with a rise in terrorist incidents and arrests, particularly in Europe. Last year, Europe faced several major Islamist terror attacks, including the deadly Moscow Crocus City Hall attack killing 145 people and injuring many more. Other than this specific incident, terrorist attacks in the West, particularly in Europe, doubled to 68, indicating a significant increase in Jehadist violence on the continent. Lone Wolf attacks have become increasingly prominent in the West, accounting for a significant portion of fatal attacks in recent years. Islamist terror groups like ISKP (Islamic State – Khorasan Province), a regional branch of the IS Salafi jihadist known to be highly active in Central and South Asia, have threatened to target major sporting events, including the Paris Olympics. In West Asia, Al Qaeda and the Islamic State remain committed to conducting attacks against the US homeland as well as US interests. Israel has degraded Hezbollah's and Hamas's capabilities, while the Houthis have become a more active regional threat. Africa remains the most active centre for Salafi-jihadist organizations. It should be noted that Hindu-majority secular India features prominently in the global Islamist terror targets. And, Pakistan and Bangladesh form the two major export centres of Jihadists into India. While Islamist terror attacks from Bangladesh are suspected mostly by Lone Wolf groups having little link with the state administration and army, the ones originating from Pakistan seem to have strong connections with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Pakistani Jihadists are believed to be mostly ISI recruited and trained. Incidentally, India's own intelligence agency, Research and Analytical Wing (RAW), may have substantial information on India-specific Jihadi training establishments in Pakistan. A coordinated effort among India's central and state intelligence agencies, particularly those in border states such as J&K, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Assam and Tripura, should help locate Islamist Jehadi export networks and, in the process, help the army, police and other security forces smash the Jehadi design in advance before it targets the country's civilians and their dwellings. (IPA Service)
The Hindu
23-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Introspecting counter-terrorism after Operation Sindoor
The Pahalgam terror strike, on April 22, perpetrated by Pakistan proxies, and India's retribution through Operation Sindoor, on May 7, have fundamentally altered the security landscape of the region. While Operation Sindoor represents an undeniable tactical and operational success, its strategic efficacy in diminishing the long-term terrorist threat remains uncertain. At present, the discourses across all the forums in the country, unfortunately centre exclusively on matters of foreign policy and the external application of military force. The aspects concerning internalisation of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) have often been given a miss, thereby missing the wood for the trees. Here, it is crucial to understand that in the overall context, it has always been about winning Kashmir rather than defeating Pakistan. The complex reality of terrorism in J&K It is beyond any doubt that Pakistan bears substantial accountability for the security situation in J&K, since Independence. After exploding in 1989, the security landscape was transformed from predominantly indigenous insurgency to significant participation of foreign terrorists, around the mid-1990s. Notwithstanding the foreign terrorists, a long-term analyses of patterns of terrorism reveal that local dynamics related to identity, marginalisation, repression and political disenfranchisement have played pivotal roles. These factors have given Pakistan the fuel to foment trouble. The interplay between external sponsorship and internal vulnerabilities creates a complex ecosystem of terrorism that defies simplistic military solutions, internally or externally. Since 1989, the security forces have achieved substantial progress in J&K. As in South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) data, overall fatalities have reduced from over 4,000 lives in 2001 to 127 in 2024. This achievement stems from the consolidation of the security grid, the government's outreach to local populations and Pakistan's diminishing capacity to wage a high-intensity proxy war. This positive trajectory suggests that India's multifaceted approach has yielded tangible results, even as significant challenges remain and more needs to be done in the context. Deterring Pakistan Analysing terror-related fatalities in J&K over the last decade shows that kinetic actions such as surgical strikes (2016) and the Balakot aerial strike (2019) have not deterred Pakistan. SATP data show that fatalities went up to 267 in 2016 from 175 in 2015 and continued to rise through 2019. Even after the Kargil victory (1999), terror indices in the region shot up to an all time high. In Operation Sindoor, although our military actions ascended several notches above the surgical strikes or Balakot, these may still not deter Pakistan. The government of Pakistan and the Pakistani people claim that they won the 100 hours war, from May 7 to 10. Pakistan's General Asim Munir has been elevated to the rank of Field Marshal and according to Ayesha Siddiqa, a Pakistani political scientist, military nationalism has been revived in Pakistan. Deterring Pakistan in the present circumstances seems ambitious. The participation of local terrorists in J&K, at present, is very low in contrast to the Burhan Wani days. Even though foreign terrorists are now technologically savvy and are relatively less dependent on local terrorists, the role played by local terrorists cannot be underestimated. Amid heightened security concerns following the Pahalgam attack, intelligence agencies have identified scores of local terrorists with links to their foreign counterparts. The voids in the security grid in the Jammu region, caused by troops being moved to Galwan, were exploited by terrorist cadres in new groups such as The Resistance Front, the People's Anti-Fascist Front, and the Kashmir Tigers, to name a few. The deteriorating security situation in the Jammu region has been marked by a kill ratio that favours the terrorists. What is worrying is the prevalent degree of local support for the terrorists. Human intelligence, or HUMINT, seems to have dried up, which explains the sustenance of terrorists (this includes the perpetrators of Pahalgam, who continue to be at large). Beyond kinetic operations The bipartisan support of the local population in J&K against the Pahalgam massacre was spontaneous and unprecedented. Such a swell in support presents us with a strategic opportunity that must be consolidated rather than squandered through counterproductive measures such as demolishing the houses of alleged terrorists or mass arrests. While the externalisation of terrorism through high-impact, war-like response is necessary, the caveat here is that it may end up distracting us from the primary goal — terrorism in J&K. Expert commentary following Operation Sindoor suggests a concerning tendency to oversimplify the complex challenge of terrorism in J&K, potentially numbing policymakers to harder questions regarding terrorism and its roots in both external sponsorship and internal grievances. Operation Sindoor has demonstrated India's growing prowess in kinetic non-contact warfare, but this must be complemented by non-kinetic tools to establish a more effective deterrent against Pakistan. Most critical is to contextualise the multidimensional approach to the internal dynamics, where the fundamental principle of 'people as the centre of gravity' is the driving force. Sustained political engagement, economic development and social integration, complemented by security-centric measures, can complete the picture. Deterrence can materialise only through an in-depth approach that is backed by our national resolve. Shashank Ranjan is a retired Indian Army colonel with substantial experience of serving in a counter-terrorism environment. He currently teaches at the O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonepat, Haryana
New Indian Express
11-05-2025
- Politics
- New Indian Express
Two Years on, Manipur Looks to be an Incurable Wound
It is significant that, despite continuous troubles, a complete absence of any process of normalisation, the comprehensive failure to recover thousands of weapons and large quantities of ammunition looted from state armouries, and mounting evidence of bias and, indeed, political mischief by the powers that be, prominently including the state's chief minister, Biren Singh, the government was allowed to continue for more than 21 months after the start of the troubles, and was pressured to resign only on February 9. Crucially, the troubles were created and persisted under a 'double-engine government', with a BJP regime both at the Centre and in the state. It is useful to recall, moreover, that the enduring insurgencies in the state were all but over, when intentional mischief plunged it into renewed ethnic strife. The year 2022 saw just seven insurgency-linked fatalities. There was an abrupt escalation to 157 such fatalities in 2023, with just four of these occurring between January and May. Total fatalities in both insurgent and ethnic violence exceeded 200 in 2023, and there was a significant overlap between the two categories, making a clear separation difficult. Insurgency-linked fatalities fell to 87 in 2023, but the largest drop was in the 'insurgent' category, from 73 killed in 2023, to 30 in 2024. Several dormant Kuki and Meitei insurgent groups have revived their violent activities, and there has been a significant escalation in turf wars. Indeed, of the 28 killed in 2025 (South Asia Terrorism Portal data till May 3), 27 were insurgents, of who 24 were killed in a running battle between Manipur-based insurgent formations, including the People's Liberation Army/ Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup/ United National Liberation Front-Koireng and the Peoples Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak, on the one hand, and the Myanmar-based Kuki National Army-Burma on the other, in the Kamjong district of Manipur, near the Indo-Myanmar border, between January 27 and 30. Abductions, extortion and other crimes have also become frequent. Of over 6,000 weapons looted from various state armouries, just half have yet been recovered, most of them after President's rule was imposed in February, further testimony to the prejudicial actions of the Biren Singh regime. There are, of course, voices of reason, both in the political leadership and in civil society, but these remain on the periphery of the dominant and polarised discourse in the state. Crucially, any significant step towards reconciliation would require powerful political initiatives from the Centre to act against the extremist elements in the present political spectrum, but there is little evidence of any such measures. Moreover, there is little trust among the larger population in the good faith of the Centre's intentions and interlocutors.
Yahoo
08-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
‘No deterrent value': Will India's strikes on Pakistan stop armed attacks?
New Delhi, India – As Indian military officials took the podium next to the country's foreign secretary at a media briefing on Wednesday morning, after unprecedented missile strikes into Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, a timeline of death played out on a video screen behind them. The 2001 attack on the Indian parliament in New Delhi in which nine people were killed. An assault on the Akshardham Temple in the western city of Ahmedabad in 2002, in which 33 people died. The 2008 Mumbai attacks in which more than 160 people were killed. Several other attacks. And finally, the killings in Pahalgam, Indian-administered Kashmir, in which gunmen shot down 26 people on April 22. The May 7 missile strikes on Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir were payback, New Delhi has said, for Islamabad's refusal to crack down on armed groups that India insists have been financed, trained and sheltered by its neighbours over the past four decades. Islamabad denies that charge – though it acknowledges that some of these groups are based in Pakistan. But the missile strikes were about more than retribution, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri suggested on Wednesday. The strikes, he said, were driven by 'a compulsion both to deter and to pre-empt' attacks by armed groups launched on Indian territory. Misri accused Pakistan of failing to take 'demonstrable steps' against 'terrorist infrastructure on its territory or territory under its control'. Yet as tensions between the nuclear-armed neighbours escalate hour by hour, with Pakistan accusing India of launching a wave of drones into its territory on Thursday, military and geopolitical analysts question whether India's approach serves as a deterrent against armed groups eager to target it. They argue that New Delhi's actions are more symbolic and aimed at addressing its domestic audience rather than tactical advancement in the so-called 'fight against terror'. 'This is all a domestic theatre,' said Ajai Sahni, executive director of South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), a platform that tracks and analyses armed attacks in South Asia. 'The Indian strikes [in Pakistan] have no deterrent value. 'The aim of the strike has nothing to do with military takeaway – the aim [for Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi] was to speak with his own domestic audience,' Sahni told Al Jazeera. 'And [Pakistan's pledge] of retaliation is to speak with the audience of the other side. That is the genius of it – that both sides will claim victory from this.' The Indian army and Foreign Secretary Misri argued on Wednesday that the country's security forces had been precise and careful in the selection of their targets. Among them was Muridke, next to Lahore, Pakistan's second-most populous city, and what India described as the Markaz Taiba camp of the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), the group behind the 2008 Mumbai attacks. At the media briefing with Misri, Indian Army Colonel Sofiya Qureshi referred to the site as the place where key perpetrators of the Mumbai assault – including Ajmal Kasab, the sole gunman who was captured alive – were trained. More than 160 people died in the Mumbai attack. India also hit Bahawalpur, which New Delhi claims hosts the headquarters of the Jaish-e-Muhammad, an armed group behind the 2019 suicide bombing attack in Kashmir in which more than 40 Indian paramilitary soldiers were killed. 'Justice is served,' the Indian army noted in a post on X as early reports of the missile strikes poured in on Wednesday, 15 days after the Pahalgam killings. The Indian missile strikes killed at least 31 people in Pakistan – all civilians, according to Islamabad – including two children. India has denied that it targeted civilians. But Pakistan has threatened to hit back, and after Thursday's drone attacks, the South Asian nations are even closer to a full-blown military conflict. Any hits taken by armed groups from Indian missiles won't fundamentally change their ability to target India, said Sahni. 'All these strikes will result in are certain tactical and operational adaptations,' said Sahni. That – an adapted strategy on the part of armed groups – is precisely what was on display on April 22, when gunmen attacked tourists in Pahalgam, say experts. In February 2019, after the suicide attack on Indian troops, Indian warplanes pierced Pakistani airspace and bombed Balakot in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where New Delhi claimed it hit 'terrorists' camps'. As Pakistan scrambled jets in response, a dogfight ensued, and an Indian Air Force jet was shot down. Pakistan captured the Indian pilot before returning him 60 hours later. Both nations claimed victory – the Modi government in New Delhi said it had entered Pakistan and bombed 'terrorists', while Pakistan highlighted its downing of an Indian jet and the capture of a pilot as evidence that it came out on top. And so neither side, say experts, felt the need to really change. That's why Sahni said he believes no matter how the current tit-for-tat threats and attacks play out, they won't alter long-term calculations for any of the actors involved. Instead, 'the tensions will resurface, perhaps in different forms.' A Kashmiri political analyst – who has seen India-Pakistan wars in 1965, 1971, and 1999, and three decades of Kashmiri armed rebellion against Indian rule – agreed. 'If it was supposed to work, then Kashmir would not be standing where we are today,' they said, requesting anonymity, fearing reprisal from Indian forces. 'One of the world's most volatile flashpoints.' Six months after the Pulwama attack, New Delhi unilaterally revoked the disputed Kashmir region's partial autonomy and broke down the erstwhile state into two federally governed territories in August 2019. China and Pakistan, India's neighbours that both control parts of Kashmir, condemned the move. India then imposed a clampdown in Kashmir and arrested dozens of political leaders, journalists, and human rights activists, even as the Modi government claimed the region was returning to 'normalcy'. Despite that – and the hundreds of armed rebels killed by Indian security forces over the years, 'the armed movement continues,' Sahni pointed out. 'The movement keeps on renewing itself [despite India's countermeasures for three decades],' noted Sahni. 'In the current attack, there has been a certain loss of material – buildings have been blown up – but if there is implicit support for these groups in Pakistan, they will always come back.' In the early hours of Wednesday, the Pakistani military claimed it had downed at least five Indian warplanes that had been involved in the missile strikes. Local Indian officials and security sources confirmed to Al Jazeera and other media outlets that at least two fighter jets had 'crashed', though Indian officials have not commented on the issue publicly. If the jets indeed belonged to the Indian fleet, 'it will become difficult for India to make a decision in the future about sending in aircraft to impose punitive strikes on Pakistan,' said Ajai Shukla, a defence and strategic affairs commentator, who served in the Indian Army from 1976 to 2001. Shukla noted that while a planned and rehearsed strike would have deterrent value, 'the realities eventually depend on how much loss has been inflicted, compared to losses incurred. 'It's a moment where India needs to pause and think,' added Shukla. 'Even when both countries claim victory, at least one of them in their heart of hearts knows that this was not a victory. This was something that turned out to be a fiasco. 'If there is going to be an attitude that we will not admit anything and we will declare victory, then probably that weakness will never be eradicated,' Shukla said. To Sahni, there's a more imminent danger that has arisen from the strikes over the past two days. Previously, he said, both sides acted within unspoken but accepted 'calibrated limits'. Not any more. 'There are no clear lines on what is 'escalation' now,' he said. 'And that's the classic slippery slope, on the edge of a risky spiral.'
