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News18
31-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
'The Hindu Manifesto': A Comprehensive Global Manual Of Governance
Last Updated: The book has 8 chapters that provide a Hindu view of different aspects of governance that could lead to an ideal society The Hindu Manifesto is not a complex book. It is not a book on Hindutva. It is a simple book based on very deep and wide-ranging research by a sadhu scholar, Swami Vigyananand. You can actually feel the labour of seven years of research in creating this book. His research is complex, but his presentation is not. The Hindu Manifesto is not a manifesto for Hindu Rashtra nor a manifesto for Hindus alone. It presents to the world a comprehensive manual of governance based on Dharma, understood as duty in our respective roles and ethical behaviour based on belief in our innate nobility as human beings. The book has 8 chapters that provide a Hindu view of different aspects of governance that could lead to an ideal society. The narrative is simple. The author quotes chosen gems of invocations, suktas, mantras and shlokas from different Hindu scriptures right from Vedic times to the time till invaders managed to damage our governance, knowledge base, and social systems to a great extent. Even those periods could not destroy those principles completely till the British came, dismantled it brick by brick and handed over governance to the leaders who were trained in Western models of governance with no training or understanding of their own rich knowledge system or systems of governance. Women cannot commit sins; it is men who become the culprits and sinners. Due to being forced into submission and exploited due to their vulnerability, women cannot be deemed offenders (page 244). The wife has a right to dissolve her marriage if her husband is considered unworthy due to factors such as his low character, residence in a foreign country, disloyalty to the nation, involvement in criminal activities like murder, departure from moral principles, lack of integrity, impotence, and unmanliness (page 247). However, the same group of self-professed feminists and liberals would be disappointed that their pet theory of misogyny and women's supposed inferior position does not stand the scrutiny of Hindu texts. On page 218, the author tells us about 28 Brahmavadini (female sages) who appear in the Rigveda. Scriptures tell us that the son is like oneself, and the daughter is like the son[…] A daughter is like a son; she will be the one to carry forward the family lineage (page 220). It quotes evidence of boys and girls studying in the same Gurukul (page 233). The writer dwells at length on the social equity and casteism, providing evidence that the theories of caste discrimination are more myths than historical reality. He explores and helps the reader understand the concepts of varna, jati, jatiya, and jnati, according to Panini's grammar and other rishis (page 271). The Mahabharata notes that in all the varnas, there are no special signs or distinct markers. Everyone originates from Bhagwan Brahma; thus, everyone is considered as Brahmin (page 279). The author quotes KS Lal in an annexure, concluding that the growth and evolution of scheduled tribes and castes in medieval Bharat were significantly influenced by their active participation in sociopolitical and economic spheres (page 303). While the world has made us believe that we were only spiritually inclined and had no interest in accumulating wealth and enjoying life, the scriptures confirm that we believed in producing, consuming, and enjoying within the framework of Dharma. Artha (prosperity) for us was the basis of our life. Dharma, kama, heaven results from artha. Without artha, life in the world would be unsustainable (page 12). Many texts talk about taxation. Taxation is akin to extracting juice from a palmyra tree (page 29). A state should take only one-sixth of people's income as taxes (page 35). To achieve this level of prosperity, education was considered of critical importance. A rishi says, there is no greater vision in the world than education (Vidya), and there is no greater reward than education (page 102). Scriptures also note that Learning, Penance, and a great deal of wealth–all these can be obtained through diligent work. Therefore, one should recognise the importance of hard work. […]The state should prioritise a single learned and knowledgeable individual over thousands of illiterate fools, as such individuals can greatly contribute during an economic crisis (page 199). A shloka of Shukra Samhita lists out various types of Vidya, of which there is Yavan philosophy too (page 109). Which means we were not cocooned, but had a great understanding of the world around us. In Hindu society, our ancestors have placed significant emphasis on the importance of politics, The Hindu sutra is Responsible Democracy–Politics is a refuge, a place of safety, for all living beings (page 126). We did not believe that politics is the last resort of a scoundrel. A shloka says, Rajadharma (politics) is like a boat that floats on the ocean of dharma. The attributes of satva (truth and purity) serve as the oars to steer the boat. Dharmashastra acts as the ropes that tie it. With the help of renunciation in the form of wind, the boat moves swiftly, allowing it to cross the worldly sea (page 132). Another set of shlokas describes thirty attributes of an effective head of state (page 166). How should a state treat its citizens? The author quotes, 'The state should provide support and care for weak and vulnerable individuals, including the blind, deaf, lame, disabled, those with limb loss and wandering monks" (page 145). It also enjoins that the state should take care of widows, orphans, the disabled, and the destitute (page 190). Oppression of people by the state is forbidden (page 194). The author notes that the state should not oppress its people by extracting excessive taxes, as this undermines the prescribed rules and ultimately leads to the destruction of the state (page 195). And, for minor mistakes made by its people, a state should not resort to mutilation, execution, or various forms of torture (page 196). Our sages caution that some entrepreneurs, both poor and wealthy, have become wealthy in a short period. Ministers and tax collectors should not be misled by others to believe that their success was achieved through improper means (page 31). It means trust your citizens. On the environment, our scriptures and shastras exhort us and the state to take care of nature. The state's responsibility to the citizens also includes the preservation of the environment. The author goes to great lengths to prove that our scriptures do not ask for animal sacrifice in yagna. Then it goes on to quote shlokas that tell us to use grains, that too, which are older than three years (not fit for seeding). We are told: The paddy, barley, gold, and animals on this earth are not sufficient for one person. Therefore, one should give up craving (page 308). This means responsible, restrained consumption. A series of shlokas to prove that the tree, its leaves, bark and fruit and flowers possess life. When trees are cut, new sprouts germinate, and they experience pleasure and pain. From this, one can infer that trees have a living persona; they are not inanimate (page 333). Big water reservoirs should be built in all regions of the state and filled with water to ensure that crops are not destroyed due to a lack of rainfall (page 21). The state should protect timber forests, elephant habitats, miners, and bridges. Additionally, it should grow new forests, construct bridges, and undertake other developments as needed (page 338). Chanakya instructs that, if any person kills, catches or injures deer, rhinoceroses, buffaloes, peacocks or fish in reserve forests and sanctuaries or in large educational institutions where killing or catching is prohibited, the officials there should inflict the severest punishment on them. If any member of the royal family violates this directive, they should also be punished (pages 210-311). Showing its respect for the environment, a profound shloka says, 'Everything on this earth is created and eventually returns to it, making it the home to every living being and renowned as the ultimate refuge for all creatures" (page 319). Bharatiya civilisation may be the only civilisation that treats its land of birth like a mother and worships it. There are many suktas shlokas from Vedic times and later that describe Bharatvarsh as the motherland, with clear mention of its boundaries. The geography of Bharat is described at great length in the Mahabharata. The states that joined the Mahabharata war paid tributes to King Yudhishthir, covering half the earth. Even China was once ruled by King Mandhata (page 351). Such is the strong connection with the nation that a shloka says, those who seek to increase their fortune through unscrupulous means, harming and betraying their country, are like vermin feeding on a corpse (page 361). Rishis of Atharvaveda, call out: O beloved Motherland, our people should not harbour enmity among themselves. Instead, they should unite, especially our leaders, who must work together for the country's betterment. Our land nurtures a variety of vegetation and herbs that cure diseases and provide nourishment. O beloved motherland, elevate our reputation across the world (page 368). The above quotations are just a glimpse of the wisdom that flows through The Hindu Manifesto. One needs to read the book, a virtual manual for any political leader who wishes to rule a country or a state, anywhere in the world. Because the principles of statecraft are universal and have been described so well by our ancient leaders in philosophy and statecraft. top videos View all This global manifesto of governance stands true for any nation, irrespective of the religion it follows or the type of governance it has. Swami Vigyananand could bring out such a universal manual of governance because Hindu dharma or Santan Dharma is universal, inclusive, non-discriminatory, for the human beings who form our societies and nations. It is truly a liberal worldview. The reviewer is a well-known author and political commentator. He has written several books on RSS, like RSS 360, Sangh & Swaraj, RSS: Evolution from an Organisation to a Movement, Conflict Resolution: The RSS Way, and done a PhD on RSS. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : book caste governance hindu history religion Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: May 31, 2025, 16:25 IST News opinion Book Review | 'The Hindu Manifesto': A Comprehensive Global Manual Of Governance
The Print
13-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Varna not decided by birth, Shudra not derogatory—'The Hindu Manifesto', launched by RSS chief Bhagwat
'Varna refers to the classification of individuals or groups based on the different forms of dharma—that is, the duties, responsibilities and roles in life that they either embrace or are inducted into,' reads the book. 'The crucial point is that an individual's acceptance of varna demonstrates that it is not determined by birth, the term 'varna' itself implies that it is independent of birth.' In Hinduism, Varna refers to the four traditional social classes—Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. The book—The Hindu Manifesto—argues people's varna is not birth-based and tries to explain why. New Delhi: Varna is not birth-based and Shudra is not a derogatory term, according to a book authored by Swami Vigyananand, and launched by Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat last month. The author also argues in the book that the word 'Shudra' is not a derogatory or demeaning term 'even though modern sociologists often associate it with the so-called lower stratum in Bharat'. He cites the example of the Ashvinikumaras, considered the physicians of the gods and the presiding deities of Ayurvedic medicine, and how they were also referred as shudras, 'indicating that it is a respected term rather than a negative one. The Dignity of a Human Being Is Paramount'. In a chapter titled 'Non-discriminatory Social System', the author argues that in Hindu Dharma and society, neither the scriptures nor ancestors discriminated against people based on 'varna, jati, jnati, skin colour, race, gender, language or region'. Vigyananand, also the initiator of the World Hindu Congress, also cites the example of Lord Rama, Krishna and Kali to highlight the point that 'traditionally, Hindu deities were crafted from black granite, black hard stone or other materials such as sandstone'. The author then goes on to state that the term jāti refers to the 'recognition of common features among different objects. Although each object is distinct, they share a common feature that links them, and this essential common feature is known as jati'. In fact, during the book launch, Bhagwat also stressed the fact that the caste system went against the core tenets of Hinduism. The RSS has been quite vocal on ending caste differences in society. Earlier this year, Bhagwat called upon the Hindu community to strive for social harmony by embracing the principle of 'one temple, one well, and one cremation ground' for all. Explaining 'Varna', the book states that different jatis, specialised professional and occupational groups based on shared attributes, align with larger professional groupings known as varnas. 'This reflects the organisational structure of (the) Hindu society, where specialised communities (jati) integrate into broader profession categories or groupings (varnas).' Also Read: Caste census is a bad idea whose time has come. Much worse lies ahead A society without division The author further argues that Hindu ancestors envisioned a society without division or discrimination based on varna, jati, jnati, skin colour, or race. 'In contemporary and future societies, evolution and progress are also measured by the absence of discrimination based on varna, jati, jnati, skin colour, race, gender, language, or region. While distinctions and divisions may have existed in the past among human societies based on various factors, Hindu ancestors envisioned a society without division or discrimination,' he states. The book also writes, 'In all the varnas, there are no special signs or distinct markers. Everyone originates from Bhagwan Brahma; thus, everyone is considered a Brahmin.' The author goes on to argue the 'absence of a special sign or distinct marker for each varna suggests that varna is not inherently based on biological birth. Instead, it underscores the equality of all individuals in their essential nature, believed to originate from the same source. This highlights the fundamental equality of all people'. He further claims that at 'birth, individuals are not predestined to belong to a particular varna or professional grouping', refuting the idea varna is determined solely by birth. Vigyananand states that many scholars argue that Brahmins are merely a jati or varna, rather than a professional or occupational grouping or community. However, he cites an example from the Apad Dharma Parva within the Shanti Parva of the Mahabharata, which deals with the ethical and moral considerations when facing adversity or crisis. He then states 'the reference above demonstrates that when Brahmins lose their means of livelihood, they adhere to Kshatriya and Vaishya dharma (profession) as well'. 'This indicates that professions are interchangeable and also supports the idea that Brahmins can be considered an occupational jati. Several specialised Brahmin occupational jatis come together to form a larger professional community, constituting the Brahmin varna,' he said. In the book, Vigyananand says jāti refers to shared characteristics including work and experience and is not a hereditary concept. 'Jati refers to a professional and occupational grouping characterized by common essential features, shared attributes, shared qualities, specific occupations and specialized professions.' The author argues that many translate 'prasav' as birth, which he says is incorrect. 'The correct interpretation is provided by Maharishi Vatsayan in his commentary on this Sutra—ya saamna buddhi prasootay—this refers to the common features that appear in the mind from which they are recognised, and that constitutes their jati. Jati does not refer to biological birth here. Jati exists not only in animate beings but also in inanimate objects,' the book states. Similarly, jātiya, the book argues, is rooted in a sense of brotherhood in the scriptures. The author states that in Bengali, the terms jati and jatiya have broader meanings 'often signifying both brotherhood and national identity. In Bengal, 'jatiya' was used to express a sense of brotherhood, meaning 'national' in this context'. The author then goes on to explain the word jñāti which he says indicates 'lineage' or 'family line' (kul or vansh). '(It) Represents a family line that cannot be changed-neither in the past, present nor future.' 'A person's identity is known by their jnati, meaning lineage or 'family line', which refers to the family of their birth. This 'jnati' signifies that no one can deny their birth identity, regardless of whether their lineage is ordinary or prominent. 'Jnati' indicating lineage' or 'family line (kul or vansh) represents a family line that cannot be changed-neither in the past, present nor future,' the author wrties. Jatiya, the book argues, refers to the concept where individuals from various 'jnati', signifying different families and lineages, come together to form a jati—a specialised professional and occupational grouping or community. 'The individuals within this jati develop a sense of brotherhood that unites them as part of that community. This essence of togetherness and shared identity among individuals constitutes jatiya identity,' the book states. Also Read: At CWC, Rahul says caste count 1st step towards social justice, but timing of govt announcement suspect 'Lack of understanding' Vigyananand further states that individuals from various jnati, or family lineages, come together to form or join a jati, which he says, represents a community centred on a particular profession, occupation, or grouping. The author then goes on to highlight the problem of intermixing between Jati and Jnati. 'There is a significant issue arising from the lack of understanding of the difference between 'jnati' and 'jati'. This often leads to the misinterpretation and conflation of jnati as jati,' he highlights. The book claims that over a long period in history, the word 'jatiya' gradually became 'jati' and was often used in its place. He cites the example of Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, who in his final message to the nation while addressing Hindu society before his death, used 'Hindu jati' instead of 'jatiya'. The book also gives a number of examples from the Mahabharata and the Ramayana to state there is no room for any form of untouchability even based on birth or social status in the Hindu society. The book cites the example of how Lord Rama shared a strong friendship with King Guha, the Nishad Raj. 'In current societal norms, individuals who engage in the practice of untouchability and those often discussed in public discourse and academia in the context of untouchability within (the) Hindu society need to understand that untouchability was never historically accepted in the Hindu society. The friendship between Shri Rama and Guha serves as an example, indicating that there is no room for any form of untouchability, even based on birth or social status, in Hindu society,' it says. Within the Non-discriminatory Social System chapter, there is a strap stating, 'In Hindu Society, the Shudras are a respected community, and they also have their own states.' The author then cites an example from the Bhumi Parva within the Bhishma Parva of the Mahabharata and states that in the Mandaga Janpada (state) of Shudraa, where there is no centralised authority such as a king or a ruler, punitive measures enforced by a governing body become unnecessary. 'This absence signifies a profound level of self-governance and mutual respect among individuals,' he said. (Edited by Ajeet Tiwari) Also Read: Mohan Bhagwat's speech isn't working on Hindu fundamentalist mobs on the ground
News18
26-04-2025
- Politics
- News18
‘Enemy Must Be Destroyed, Caste A Colonial Import': Swami Vigyananand's Book Offers New Civilisational Doctrine
Last Updated: The monk, who heads VHP's international coordination division, said he drew information from ancient texts for a fresh Indic perspective Swami Vigyananand's upcoming book, The Hindu Manifesto, is not a typical religious treatise. From 'the enemy should be destroyed" to 'caste is a Western construct," the book sparks a bold new narrative that challenges conventional ideas and proposes an assertive Hindu worldview grounded in ancient scripture. The IIT graduate-turned-monk, who now heads VHP's international coordination division and holds the position of a joint general secretary in the organisation, said he drew information from ancient texts to offer a fresh Indic perspective—'an authentic civilisational blueprint for Bharat's future". The book will be released on Saturday by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat. In an exclusive interview with News18, Swami Vigyananand opened up about the core ideas of his upcoming book, its political and geopolitical implications, and why he believed the time had come for Hindus to reclaim not just their faith, but their framework for governance, education, and global leadership based on the directions given on the ancient scriptures. Speaking about the current geopolitical climate and on dealing with enemies in a time of crisis, he said: 'It is not a sin to use strategic deception against those who use deceit to harm others. Our scriptures have given us guidance and these are pointed and clear—when an enemy is committed to destruction, they must be destroyed without hesitation. This is not cruelty; it is a disciplined duty to protect the nation. In a time of crisis, even a weak enemy must not be ignored. We should not be playing tournaments with the enemy of win and loss, enemies must be destroyed." Talking about the current caste narrative dominating the political discourse, he declared that caste was never a Hindu thing. 'What we call the caste system today is not rooted in our shastras—it is a distortion introduced by colonial administrators who misunderstood or deliberately misrepresented our varna and jati systems," he said. 'In the scriptures, these categories were never based solely on birth. They were flexible, functional, and tied to one's qualities, conduct, and contribution to society," he added. His ideas and research on the caste system formed a key ideological plank of the manifesto which talks about reclaiming Hindu social philosophy from colonial and orientalist mis-readings. For several issues related to national security, society and geopolitics, his book also presents the 'Hindu worldview' of economics, and about the link between economic power and global standing. 'We must realise that economic power is not just a domestic concern for a country—it is the very foundation of diplomatic influence, military capability, and strategic autonomy. A nation that is not economically strong cannot project strength internationally. Political power in the global arena is downstream of economic power, and these were written in our scripture. We need to read and understand the Hindu worldview," said Swami Vigyananand. He elaborated on a certain section's idea of glorifying poverty. 'For too long, we have equated poverty with piety. But our tradition never celebrated deprivation or poverty—it celebrated balance, abundance, and dharmic prosperity. We must stop condemning prosperity and instead recognise that creating wealth, when done ethically, is a sacred duty," he said. First Published:
