Latest news with #SyrianDemocraticCouncil
Rudaw Net
21-03-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
German FM meets Rojava officials in Damascus
Also in Syria Germany reopens embassy in Syria following 13-year diplomatic hiatus SDF experience 'invaluable' as ISIS remains a threat: France Rojava gas 'significantly' improving Syria's electricity production: Minister Abdi in talks with Sharaa's committee to implement SDF-Damascus deal A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock in Damascus on Thursday met with a delegation from northeast Syria's (Rojava) ruling Syrian Democratic Council (SDC) to hear their concerns regarding the country's political transition. They discussed the Kurdish issue in Syria, the landmark agreement between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the interim government, and recent developments regarding the transitional period, the SDC, the political wing of the SDF, said in a statement. The SDC delegates expressed their 'optimism that the next phase could serve as an entry point to end the state of war and achieve peace and stability,' but also expressed their 'disappointment with the mechanism for appointing the new president, which did not witness real participation of Syrians,' said the SDC statement. The transitional government, led by President Ahmed al-Sharaa whose Islamist group Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) spearheaded an offensive that ended the rule of Bashar al-Assad in December, has come under fire, especially from minority groups who say they are being excluded and warn that the recently adopted interim constitution cements authoritarian rule. The SDC delegation touched on this issue during their meeting with the German minister. 'In this context, the delegation of the Syrian Democratic Council emphasized that the constitutional declaration adopted by the new administration reproduces authoritarianism in a new form, as it enshrines centralized rule and grants the executive branch broad powers, while restricting political action, which hinders the path of democratic transformation and neglects transitional justice mechanisms,' read the SDC statement. Baerbock said that she raised these concerns in her meetings with the leadership in Damascus. 'Representatives of Kurds, Christians and Alawites with whom I spoke today warn against giving in to a threatening division along sectarian lines. In my long conversation with transitional President al-Sharaa and Foreign Minister [Asaad] al-Shaibani, I emphasized once again: Syria will only be safe if it is equally safe for everyone,' she said on Instagram. The Kurds have signed a deal with Damascus - inked by SDF chief Mazloum Abdi and Sharaa under American mediation - to integrate the SDF and Rojava institutions into the new government. Baerbock praised the agreement on Thursday. Baerbock arrived in the Syrian capital on Thursday to reopen Germany's embassy after a 13-year closure. The reopening of the embassy means Berlin wants to 'say very clearly' that it is back in Damascus, Baerbock was cited by the German state-run broadcaster Deutsche Welle (DW) as stating. Germany 'has a paramount interest in a stable Syria,' Baerbock stressed, adding however, that no German ambassador will be positioned in Damascus for the time being and that such a move depends on 'further political' and 'security' developments in Syria.
Daily News Egypt
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Daily News Egypt
Syria after Constitutional Declaration
The draft of Syria's temporary constitutional declaration, recently signed by interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa, has sparked widespread debate among the nation's political and social factions. The provisions of this constitution have faced sharp criticism, particularly concerning the president's extensive powers. The draft bestows nearly absolute authority upon the president, including appointing one-third of the People's Assembly members, declaring a state of emergency, selecting Constitutional Court members, dismissing ministers, and wielding other executive privileges that consolidate decision-making in a single office. This centralization of power raises fears of a return to authoritarian rule reminiscent of the previous regime. While the draft ostensibly upholds the principle of separation of powers, its structure effectively places legislative authority under executive control rather than within an independent, democratically elected body. Rather than relying on democratic elections, the draft mandates the appointment of People's Assembly members, undermining the legitimacy of the political process during this transitional phase. For instance, Article 25 grants sweeping legislative powers to an appointed council that should belong exclusively to an elected body. This raises fundamental questions about the council's ability to genuinely represent the Syrian people, particularly in the absence of clear electoral mechanisms during a transitional period expected to span three to five years. The Kurdish self-administration has strongly opposed the draft, arguing that it disregards Syria's ethnic and cultural diversity. The Syrian Democratic Council, the political wing of the Kurdish movement, rejected the declaration, denouncing it as a continuation of the traditional governance model of the former Baathist government. This rejection highlights the draft's failure to present an inclusive political vision that integrates Syria's diverse communities, such as the Kurds and Druze, into national decision-making. Rather than fostering national unity, the draft risks deepening existing divisions. Although the draft emphasizes transitional justice and the criminalization of past regime violations, it lacks specific mechanisms for implementation. The absence of clear frameworks for accountability or victim compensation casts doubt on the sincerity of these commitments, reducing them to political rhetoric rather than actionable policies. Despite claims of breaking from the past, the draft remains rooted in previous constitutions, such as the 1950 Constitution, without introducing fundamental reforms that align with the aspirations of the Syrian revolution. While interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa has criticized the 2012 Constitution as a product of dictatorship, the new draft does not fully abandon the centralized governance model. This suggests an attempt to preserve institutional stability at the cost of the sweeping political transformation demanded by many Syrians. While the temporary constitutional declaration aims to provide a legal framework for the transitional period, it faces significant obstacles, including excessive concentration of power, weak democratic representation, and the marginalization of Syria's diverse communities. Instead of fulfilling Syrians' hopes for a genuinely new political system that honors their sacrifices, it risks serving as little more than a rebranded extension of the old regime. More critically, this declaration has the potential to trigger further instability—politically, socially, economically, and militarily. Local and regional reactions to the draft could lead to escalation. Key factions, particularly within Kurdish and Druze communities, have rejected it as unrepresentative of Syria's diversity and unresponsive to demands for political inclusivity. If these groups—especially those backed by the Syrian Democratic Forces—feel marginalized or threatened, they may resort to military escalation or pursue further autonomy, heightening the risk of conflict. The lack of a broad national consensus surrounding the draft presents another major challenge. It was not the product of an inclusive dialogue among all Syrian factions, including armed opposition groups in northwestern Syria and Turkish-backed militias. Their exclusion may prompt them to reject the transitional government's legitimacy outright, potentially leading to renewed military confrontations, particularly if they perceive their interests as overlooked. Public frustration is mounting. Many Syrians who fought against the previous regime view the draft as a mere continuation of the old system under a different name. The concentration of power in the interim president's hands, combined with the absence of immediate elections, has fueled concerns that the transition is not a genuine step toward democracy. These frustrations could manifest in protests or civil disobedience, which, given Syria's proliferation of armed factions, could quickly escalate into violent clashes. Regional powers—including Turkey, Iran, and Russia—have their own stakes in Syria and may seek to exploit the draft's weaknesses to further their influence. Turkey may oppose any constitution that fails to curb Kurdish autonomy or safeguard its interests in northern Syria. Iran, in contrast, may view the draft as a threat if it diminishes its military and political foothold in the country. Such foreign interventions could further complicate Syria's fragile situation. The security landscape remains precarious. If the transitional government fails to assert control over the entire country—especially given the weakened state of the national military following the collapse of the previous regime—armed groups may compete for territorial dominance, exacerbating instability. A prolonged security vacuum could pave the way for further violence and disorder. Despite some expressions of international support, including from the European Union and Canada, the sustainability of this backing remains uncertain. Foreign aid and political endorsements are often conditional on demonstrating stability and effective governance. Any failure in this regard could lead to a withdrawal of support, further exacerbating Syria's political and economic fragility. The opposition itself remains fragmented. Armed groups in the northwest and northeast continue to suffer from internal divisions and dependence on external backers. The absence of a unifying force capable of consolidating opposition factions prolongs the conflict and weakens the transitional government's credibility. Without a clear resolution, Syria risks sinking further into political paralysis and violence. The temporary constitutional declaration, rather than fostering stability, risks further destabilizing Syria due to the lack of national consensus, the marginalization of key political groups, and the looming security vacuum. However, the extent of its impact depends on the transitional government's ability to address domestic opposition and secure broader regional and international support. At present, Syria remains precariously balanced, teetering between renewed conflict and the potential for stabilization. The coming months will be crucial in determining whether this draft serves as a foundation for peace or a catalyst for further unrest. Restoring order under this controversial constitutional declaration requires a comprehensive approach that addresses political, social, and security challenges. To achieve sustainable stability and prevent further escalation, several measures must be taken. First, a truly inclusive national dialogue should be convened, incorporating all Syrian factions—including Kurdish self-administration authorities, opposition groups, and civil society representatives—under international mediation to ensure neutrality. Second, the draft must be amended to reflect Syria's pluralism, including constitutional guarantees for the cultural and political rights of marginalized groups and a reduction of the president's powers in favour of an elected legislature. Enhancing democratic legitimacy is also critical. Instead of relying on an appointed legislature for three to five years, a roadmap for early elections—preferably within one to two years—should be established, with international oversight to ensure transparency. Civil society organizations and activists must actively shape transitional policies to guarantee broader representation. A decentralized governance model, granting regions like the northeast and northwest a degree of self-administration while preserving national unity, could ease tensions with Kurdish and Turkish-backed factions, reducing the risk of fragmentation. Explicit constitutional protections for religious and ethnic minorities are also essential to reassure vulnerable communities. A phased plan for disarming militias and integrating fighters into a unified national army or economic rehabilitation programs is crucial. Security sector reforms must ensure that military and intelligence institutions remain neutral and representative of all Syrians, with international oversight preventing a return to authoritarianism. Finally, diplomatic negotiations with key foreign actors—potentially mediated by the United Nations or the United States—could help mitigate external interference, fostering a more stable transition. Success ultimately hinges on the transitional government's ability to engage all relevant actors and a cohesive international effort that translates statements into tangible actions. If these conditions are met, Syria may finally move toward genuine recovery rather than another cycle of upheaval. Dr. Hatem Sadek: Professor at Helwan University
Rudaw Net
14-03-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
Christian party rejects new Syrian constitution
Also in Syria Syrian Kurds demand redo of new constitution Qatar to help Syria with 400 MW electricity Rojava rejects Syria's interim constitution as mirroring Assad's policies Syria's Druze spiritual leader slams new Syrian leadership as 'extremist' A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - A Christian political party on Friday rejected the constitutional declaration adopted by the interim authority in Damascus, calling it a tool to entrench the 'exclusion and marginalization of Syrian components.' 'The constitutional declaration does not pave the way for the required transitional phase in Syria, but rather for an unstable period,' the Syriac Union Party said in a statement. The party is affiliated with the Kurdish administration in northeast Syria (Rojava). It holds three seats in the Rojava government and maintains its own police force, Sutoro (meaning "security" in Syriac). The interim constitution, which emphasizes Islamic jurisprudence, stipulates that Syria's president must be a Muslim and establishes a five-year transitional period. It also retains the country's official name, the Syrian Arab Republic, a point of contention for non-Arab communities. During a ceremony on Thursday to sign the document, interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa expressed hope that it would mark 'a new chapter in Syria's history, one where ignorance is replaced with knowledge and oppression with justice.' However, the Syriac Union Party contended that the constitutional declaration is a continuation of the policies adopted by the former Bashar al-Assad regime. The party said that the transitional phase 'must be based on the principles of true participation' of all ethnic and religious groups in Syria. The main Kurdish groups and organizations also oppose the new constitution. The Rojava administration condemned the document for 'mirroring measures imposed by the Assad regime and alienating Syria's diverse ethnic and religious communities.' The Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), the political wing of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), declared their 'complete rejection' of any attempt to 'recreate dictatorship under the guise of a 'transitional phase,' reinforcing authoritarianism, granting unchecked power to the executive authority, and constraining political activity.' An umbrella group of Kurdish opposition parties, the Kurdish National Council (ENKS/KNC), also voiced objections to the temporary constitution, stating that it 'ignored Syria's pluralistic nature and its reality as a multi-ethnic and multi-religious state.' They further argued that it 'failed to guarantee the national and religious rights of its communities, reinforcing a singular national identity in the state's name, explicitly excluding other components.'
LBCI
14-03-2025
- Politics
- LBCI
Kurdish-led Syrian group rejects Islamist authorities' new constitution framework
The Kurdish-led group which governs northeast Syria on Friday rejected a constitutional declaration issued by the new Islamist leadership in Damascus and called for it to be rewritten. The declaration, issued on Thursday, is intended to form the basis of a five-year interim period under President Ahmed al-Sharaa, a Sunni Islamist who led the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad in December in a lightning offensive capping 14 years of civil war. It upheld the central role of Islamic law and provided for freedom of opinion. But the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Council said it did not go far enough in protecting the rights of Syria's diverse communities. Reuters
Yahoo
14-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Kurdish-led Syrian group rejects Islamist authorities' new constitution framework
By Jana Choukeir and Emma Farge DUBAI/GENEVA (Reuters) - The Kurdish-led group which governs northeast Syria on Friday rejected a constitutional declaration issued by the new Islamist leadership in Damascus and called for it to be rewritten. The declaration, issued on Thursday, is intended to form the basis of a five-year interim period under President Ahmed al-Sharaa, a Sunni Islamist who led the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad in December in a lightning offensive capping 14 years of civil war. It upheld the central role of Islamic law and provided for freedom of opinion. But the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Council said it did not go far enough in protecting the rights of Syria's diverse communities. In Geneva meanwhile, the United Nations' special envoy for Syria urged the new authorities in Damascus to forge an inclusive transitional government. He also called for an investigation into recent sectarian violence in which hundreds of people were killed. "Syria now stands at a pivotal moment," Envoy Geir Pedersen said in a statement read out by a spokesperson on the 14th anniversary of the start of an uprising against Assad that turned into all-out war. During the conflict, Kurdish authorities in northeast Syria set up an autonomous system after decades of marginalisation under Assad family rule. They fear the new leadership in Damascus will roll back many of their rights - including teaching the Kurdish language in school and having women in senior governing posts. In a written statement on Friday, the SDC "completely rejected" Sharaa's constitutional declaration, saying it "reproduced authoritarianism in a new form" and granted the executive unchecked powers. It called for the decree to be rewritten to distribute powers more fairly and adopt a decentralised ruling system. "Any constitutional declaration must be the result of genuine national consensus, not a project imposed by one party," the council said. The SDC is the political leadership of the U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces, which signed a deal with the Damascus government on Monday to join Syria's new state institutions and hand over key border crossings, oil fields and an airport to government control. Implementation is due by the end of the year, but the accord does not specify how SDF's military operation will be integrated into Syria's defence ministry. U.N. envoy Pedersen said in his statement he hoped Sharaa's declaration would move Syria toward restoring the rule of law and an orderly transition. Sharaa has promised to run Syria in an inclusive way but has been grappling with the aftermath of a wave of sectarian killings in the coastal region blamed on fighters aligned with his government. Pedersen called for an independent investigation into what he described as the "appalling violence". "In this regard, a climate of distrust and fear could endanger the entire transition," he said.
