Latest news with #TheAnkler
Yahoo
a day ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Gavin Newsom is trying to rescue Hollywood. It may be too late.
LOS ANGELES — Gavin Newsom wants to claim the role of Hollywood's superhero. But California's iconic industry is so battered that even its governor may not be able to save it. Newsom has made doubling the state's film tax credit his No. 1 budget priority as he tries to lure back show business production that has fled in droves to other states and countries, even while he proposes slashing other pet causes such as expanded health care benefits. It's a clear bid to rewrite the 'California crack-up' script that has transfixed conservative media — and President Donald Trump — and play the leading man role that woos production back to its homeland. But Newsom's effort also calls attention to the yawning gulf between what the industry wants and what Sacramento can deliver. Already, there are fears that Newsom's best efforts could amount to too little, too late. Newsom has doggedly pursued support from the Los Angeles-based power players and their lavish political donations as he has climbed the ranks of California politics. But now, as his term's expiration date approaches and he eyes a potential 2028 White House bid, the industry exodus has opened a window for Trump to claim the title of industry savior for himself. The president, Newsom's frequent archnemesis, has disparaged the governor's stewardship of his state's signature industry as 'grossly incompetent.' California's film tax credit, which has languished for years behind more lucrative offers from states like Georgia or overseas options like the U.K., could be a place for Newsom to cement his bonafides as Hollywood's champion. The most active players lobbying for its expansion — a coalition of labor unions, studios and industry execs — feel 'an enormous sense of gratitude' toward Newsom, said Scott Budnick, the film producer behind 'The Hangover' and other blockbusters. But there's no guarantee that the heftier tax credit will make it through this fraught budget season unscathed. And even staunch supporters like Budnick acknowledge the effort, if successful, is only an initial step to a Hollywood course correction. 'My hope is we blow through this money, and we're gonna have to go back to the governor for even more next year, and we can show that it's an economic engine for the state as well,' he said. Complicating Newsom's Hollywood courtship is the pronounced funk that has pervaded the industry, which has been pummeled by a series of crises. The pandemic, the dual writers' and actors' strikes in 2023 and the historic Los Angeles wildfires in January have convulsed a town already rocked by changing business models. The industry-wide malaise has led some insiders to greet Newsom's tax credit push with a weary shrug or a sense this is a fruitless endeavor. 'The time for this discussion was 10, 15, 20 years ago,' said Richard Rushfield, editorial director and columnist with The Ankler, an industry newsletter. And even if he does notch a win with a doubled tax credit, it far from guarantees loyalty from a Hollywood political class that tends to prioritize other causes, such as LGBTQ+ issues or abortion rights, when backing a candidate. 'The overwhelming majority of Hollywood dollars that go into politics is not based on industry needs or priorities, but rather based on personal policy beliefs [and] values – often to the dismay of industry lobbyists,' said Donna Bojarsky, a longtime Democratic consultant and Hollywood fundraiser. In other words, Newsom's controversial podcast interview with conservative influencer Charlie Kirk may end up being more influential to Hollywood donor checkbooks than any budgetary mountains he moves for the film tax credit. 'Depression-era level' unemployment As a Northern Californian, Newsom was never one of Hollywood's own. But over the course of his governorship, he has diligently built bonds with industry heavy-hitters such as Netflix CEO Ted Sarandos, whom he frequently texts. Newsom met privately on Thursday with Jon Voight, the actor whom Trump named a 'special ambassador' to Hollywood. 'He has real relationships with Hollywood and that makes a substantial difference, as opposed to the way [previous governor] Jerry Brown was a bit more of an outsider,' said Jay Sures, vice chair of United Talent Agency who was appointed by Newsom to the University of California Board of Regents. 'He can pick up the phone and call just about any CEO and knows them on a first-name basis.' Among the Hollywood donor crowd, Newsom has mostly been regarded as a strong standout among national Democrats considered potential 2028 contenders — though many in the industry, burned by Trump's win in 2024, say they're still shopping around for the next fresh face. Newsom's vocal advocacy on national issues like abortion rights has won plaudits; his comments questioning the fairness of transgender athletes in girls' sports have been less warmly received. 'Gavin has very solid support, but of course, he has his detractors too. And his more recent actions have mystified some,' Bojarsky said. 'But generally people feel positively that he's a sophisticated, charismatic politician that is willing to be out there and take risks.' Lately, the wobbly state of the industry has become a major tentpole in Newsom's Hollywood outreach. FilmLA, which tracks the number of days movies, television shows and reality programs are shot in Los Angeles city and county, found that 2024 was the second-least productive year it had ever observed since its formation 30 years ago — only 2020, the height of the coronavirus pandemic, was worse. 'The levels of unemployment in this industry in Los Angeles are at Depression-era levels,' said Assemblymember Rick Chavez Zbur, one of the primary lawmakers championing the new film tax credit in the Legislature. 'In some of the unions, they have had unemployment levels of 40 and 50 percent.' Tax incentives are seen by the industry as a way to stop the bleeding — even if some economists say such credits can be revenue-losers for states. Proponents argue that in-state production has wide-reaching economic ripple effects that bolster not just the camera grips and makeup artists working on set, but dry cleaners, caterers and other small businesses that benefit from a local film shoot. The projects approved for the tax credit in California from 2020 to mid-2023 generated $7.3 billion in in-state economic activity, according to the California Film Commission. In recent weeks, awareness of the crisis crossed into the broader zeitgeist. Even a recent episode of HBO's acclaimed comedy 'Hacks' included a joke about the film tax credit, complete with a Newsom name drop. A Newsom aide said he was amused by the shoutout and happy the issue had 'broken through' — glossing over the fact that the industry's clear frustration with state government was manifest as a punchline on a hit television show. But it was a surprise social media missive from Trump that catapulted the issue to international attention, as the president touted his favorite policy tool, tariffs, as the solution to stanch the overseas production bleeding. Caught off guard by Trump's post, Newsom challenged the president on X to back a $7.5 billion federal tax incentive. Newsom, using the shorthand of finance and Silicon Valley, came up with the figure as a way to '10x' the $750 million tax break he was championing in California, according to the aide, who was granted anonymity to describe internal discussions. After proposing that enormous sum, however, Newsom has not been deeply involved in the Washington efforts that have stirred to life now that Trump has shown at least some awareness of runaway production. The governor has had some conversations with figures in Washington who are working on a federal proposal, such as Rep. Laura Friedman, a Democrat from Los Angeles and a former film producer. But, Friedman said, the push to craft a new federal incentive and for California to expand its existing tax credits are 'completely separate efforts.' 'His job is to get a budget allocation through the California Legislature … and it's not a slam dunk that they're going to get the money that he asked for,' said Friedman, who served eight years in the statehouse. 'If my experience in the Legislature is any indication, he's going to have a lot of work to do to make that happen. So he should be focusing there.' 'Help is on the way' Sacramento has always been a source of frustration for Hollywood, dating far earlier than Newsom's tenure. There was a sense that California leaders did little to boost their crown-jewel industry, giving other states and countries a prime opportunity to poach the business by offering lavish incentives. 'We, for so many years, have sat on our laurels, assumed dominance in this area because of the history of Hollywood and expected that we didn't need to do very much to retain this iconic industry,' said state Sen. Ben Allen, a Los Angeles Democrat who is one of the lead legislators involved in negotiations. 'Unfortunately, dollars speak louder than tradition.' One hurdle for advocates of a film tax credit is the perception that the program is a subsidy for glitzy Los Angeles studio execs and celebrities, a view that stoked regional rivalries with representatives from other parts of the state. This time, Newsom put a marker down in October — days before he knew the outcome of the presidential election and months before the typical budget negotiating season — about his intention to more than double the tax incentive, which currently sits at $330 million. 'We made a decision … to put a stake in the ground and go,' said DeeDee Myers, Newsom's chief economic adviser. 'That will give us time to make the case, to educate people, and it's also a signal to the industry: 'Hey, we've got your back, and help is on the way.'' The goal of $750 million has remained unchanged, even as the state's budget outlook darkened dramatically in recent months, setting off fierce battles for funding among competing Democratic interest groups. Newsom and his legislative partners have tried to avoid the usual political tripwires. To entice lawmakers far from Hollywood's center, they proposed a bonus for productions filmed outside of the 30-mile zone encircling Los Angeles. They made union entertainment workers, not studio bosses or celebrities, the face of their campaign. By portraying the incentive as a middle-class jobs program, they've largely neutralized objections from elsewhere in organized labor, which would otherwise target the tax credit as a corporate giveaway. 'This was the story of hundreds of union workers who have had to mortgage homes and foreclose on their homes and move to different states because of just how slow the business is,' said Budnick, an advocate for getting formerly incarcerated people into the pipeline for industry jobs. Hollywood hopes collide with Sacramento reality As budget negotiations careen toward a June 15 spending plan deadline, Newsom is trying to assure the anxious industry he'll be able to deliver. His office reiterated on Thursday he is 'fully committed' to securing a revamped $750 millon credit. Even if Newsom is able to claim victory in the final gauntlet of budget negotiations, it's far from assured that the effort will break through Hollywood's current malaise. A panel of top studio executives at the ritzy Milken Global Issues conference last month offered a stark illustration of the gap between Hollywood's expectations and the realities in Sacramento. Casey Bloys, who runs HBO, lamented how California's tax credits — which are capped and distributed via lottery — compared to Georgia's uncapped incentive program. 'Because it's capped, you can't plan,' Bloys said. 'You have to get into a lottery, and you're not sure if your show is going to get the tax break or not.' But an uncapped tax credit was never in the cards in California, especially in this fraught budget year. Newsom is betting that he can make at least some headway in pulling Hollywood out of its doldrums. But that success depends on the studios actually being open to returning to California — or if the enticements from outside its borders prove too tempting to pass up. 'My sense is that people throughout the industry — from the folks building sets to studio execs — recognize that Newsom is doing more than any governor in memory to try and save California's entertainment industry,' said Brian Brokaw, a Newsom adviser who sits on the California Film Commission. 'Ultimately what this will come down to is whether those who actually make the decisions about where to shoot share the governor's commitment to California.' The exodus of production from the state may be so long gone that nothing Newsom does now will substantially reverse the tide. But perhaps the governor's film tax flex could at least quell some uncomfortable questions about Hollywood flight under his watch — particularly if he wants to tout his record in a 2028 White House run. 'If he's going to run for president, this is gonna come up,' said Rushfield, the longtime industry watcher. 'And he's got to be able to say that he tried.'
Politico
a day ago
- Business
- Politico
Gavin Newsom is trying to rescue Hollywood. It may be too late.
LOS ANGELES — Gavin Newsom wants to claim the role of Hollywood's superhero. But California's iconic industry is so battered that even its governor may not be able to save it. Newsom has made doubling the state's film tax credit his No. 1 budget priority as he tries to lure back show business production that has fled in droves to other states and countries, even while he proposes slashing other pet causes such as expanded health care benefits. It's a clear bid to rewrite the 'California crack-up' script that has transfixed conservative media — and President Donald Trump — and play the leading man role that woos production back to its homeland. But Newsom's effort also calls attention to the yawning gulf between what the industry wants and what Sacramento can deliver. Already, there are fears that Newsom's best efforts could amount to too little, too late. Newsom has doggedly pursued support from the Los Angeles-based power players and their lavish political donations as he has climbed the ranks of California politics. But now, as his term's expiration date approaches and he eyes a potential 2028 White House bid, the industry exodus has opened a window for Trump to claim the title of industry savior for himself. The president, Newsom's frequent archnemesis, has disparaged the governor's stewardship of his state's signature industry as 'grossly incompetent.' California's film tax credit, which has languished for years behind more lucrative offers from states like Georgia or overseas options like the U.K., could be a place for Newsom to cement his bonafides as Hollywood's champion. The most active players lobbying for its expansion — a coalition of labor unions, studios and industry execs — feel 'an enormous sense of gratitude' toward Newsom, said Scott Budnick, the film producer behind 'The Hangover' and other blockbusters. But there's no guarantee that the heftier tax credit will make it through this fraught budget season unscathed. And even staunch supporters like Budnick acknowledge the effort, if successful, is only an initial step to a Hollywood course correction. 'My hope is we blow through this money, and we're gonna have to go back to the governor for even more next year, and we can show that it's an economic engine for the state as well,' he said. Complicating Newsom's Hollywood courtship is the pronounced funk that has pervaded the industry, which has been pummeled by a series of crises. The pandemic, the dual writers' and actors' strikes in 2023 and the historic Los Angeles wildfires in January have convulsed a town already rocked by changing business models. The industry-wide malaise has led some insiders to greet Newsom's tax credit push with a weary shrug or a sense this is a fruitless endeavor. 'The time for this discussion was 10, 15, 20 years ago,' said Richard Rushfield, editorial director and columnist with The Ankler, an industry newsletter. And even if he does notch a win with a doubled tax credit, it far from guarantees loyalty from a Hollywood political class that tends to prioritize other causes, such as LGBTQ+ issues or abortion rights, when backing a candidate. 'The overwhelming majority of Hollywood dollars that go into politics is not based on industry needs or priorities, but rather based on personal policy beliefs [and] values – often to the dismay of industry lobbyists,' said Donna Bojarsky, a longtime Democratic consultant and Hollywood fundraiser. In other words, Newsom's controversial podcast interview with conservative influencer Charlie Kirk may end up being more influential to Hollywood donor checkbooks than any budgetary mountains he moves for the film tax credit. 'Depression-era level' unemployment As a Northern Californian, Newsom was never one of Hollywood's own. But over the course of his governorship, he has diligently built bonds with industry heavy-hitters such as Netflix CEO Ted Sarandos, whom he frequently texts. Newsom met privately on Thursday with Jon Voight, the actor whom Trump named a 'special ambassador' to Hollywood. 'He has real relationships with Hollywood and that makes a substantial difference, as opposed to the way [previous governor] Jerry Brown was a bit more of an outsider,' said Jay Sures, vice chair of United Talent Agency who was appointed by Newsom to the University of California Board of Regents. 'He can pick up the phone and call just about any CEO and knows them on a first-name basis.' Among the Hollywood donor crowd, Newsom has mostly been regarded as a strong standout among national Democrats considered potential 2028 contenders — though many in the industry, burned by Trump's win in 2024, say they're still shopping around for the next fresh face. Newsom's vocal advocacy on national issues like abortion rights has won plaudits; his comments questioning the fairness of transgender athletes in girls' sports have been less warmly received. 'Gavin has very solid support, but of course, he has his detractors too. And his more recent actions have mystified some,' Bojarsky said. 'But generally people feel positively that he's a sophisticated, charismatic politician that is willing to be out there and take risks.' Lately, the wobbly state of the industry has become a major tentpole in Newsom's Hollywood outreach. FilmLA, which tracks the number of days movies, television shows and reality programs are shot in Los Angeles city and county, found that 2024 was the second-least productive year it had ever observed since its formation 30 years ago — only 2020, the height of the coronavirus pandemic, was worse. 'The levels of unemployment in this industry in Los Angeles are at Depression-era levels,' said Assemblymember Rick Chavez Zbur, one of the primary lawmakers championing the new film tax credit in the Legislature. 'In some of the unions, they have had unemployment levels of 40 and 50 percent.' Tax incentives are seen by the industry as a way to stop the bleeding — even if some economists say such credits can be revenue-losers for states. Proponents argue that in-state production has wide-reaching economic ripple effects that bolster not just the camera grips and makeup artists working on set, but dry cleaners, caterers and other small businesses that benefit from a local film shoot. The projects approved for the tax credit in California from 2020 to mid-2023 generated $7.3 billion in in-state economic activity, according to the California Film Commission. In recent weeks, awareness of the crisis crossed into the broader zeitgeist. Even a recent episode of HBO's acclaimed comedy 'Hacks' included a joke about the film tax credit, complete with a Newsom name drop. A Newsom aide said he was amused by the shoutout and happy the issue had 'broken through' — glossing over the fact that the industry's clear frustration with state government was manifest as a punchline on a hit television show. But it was a surprise social media missive from Trump that catapulted the issue to international attention, as the president touted his favorite policy tool, tariffs, as the solution to stanch the overseas production bleeding. Caught off guard by Trump's post, Newsom challenged the president on X to back a $7.5 billion federal tax incentive. Newsom, using the shorthand of finance and Silicon Valley, came up with the figure as a way to '10x' the $750 million tax break he was championing in California, according to the aide, who was granted anonymity to describe internal discussions. After proposing that enormous sum, however, Newsom has not been deeply involved in the Washington efforts that have stirred to life now that Trump has shown at least some awareness of runaway production. The governor has had some conversations with figures in Washington who are working on a federal proposal, such as Rep. Laura Friedman, a Democrat from Los Angeles and a former film producer. But, Friedman said, the push to craft a new federal incentive and for California to expand its existing tax credits are 'completely separate efforts.' 'His job is to get a budget allocation through the California Legislature … and it's not a slam dunk that they're going to get the money that he asked for,' said Friedman, who served eight years in the statehouse. 'If my experience in the Legislature is any indication, he's going to have a lot of work to do to make that happen. So he should be focusing there.' 'Help is on the way' Sacramento has always been a source of frustration for Hollywood, dating far earlier than Newsom's tenure. There was a sense that California leaders did little to boost their crown-jewel industry, giving other states and countries a prime opportunity to poach the business by offering lavish incentives. 'We, for so many years, have sat on our laurels, assumed dominance in this area because of the history of Hollywood and expected that we didn't need to do very much to retain this iconic industry,' said state Sen. Ben Allen, a Los Angeles Democrat who is one of the lead legislators involved in negotiations. 'Unfortunately, dollars speak louder than tradition.' One hurdle for advocates of a film tax credit is the perception that the program is a subsidy for glitzy Los Angeles studio execs and celebrities, a view that stoked regional rivalries with representatives from other parts of the state. This time, Newsom put a marker down in October — days before he knew the outcome of the presidential election and months before the typical budget negotiating season — about his intention to more than double the tax incentive, which currently sits at $330 million. 'We made a decision … to put a stake in the ground and go,' said DeeDee Myers, Newsom's chief economic adviser. 'That will give us time to make the case, to educate people, and it's also a signal to the industry: 'Hey, we've got your back, and help is on the way.'' The goal of $750 million has remained unchanged, even as the state's budget outlook darkened dramatically in recent months, setting off fierce battles for funding among competing Democratic interest groups. Newsom and his legislative partners have tried to avoid the usual political tripwires. To entice lawmakers far from Hollywood's center, they proposed a bonus for productions filmed outside of the 30-mile zone encircling Los Angeles. They made union entertainment workers, not studio bosses or celebrities, the face of their campaign. By portraying the incentive as a middle-class jobs program, they've largely neutralized objections from elsewhere in organized labor, which would otherwise target the tax credit as a corporate giveaway. 'This was the story of hundreds of union workers who have had to mortgage homes and foreclose on their homes and move to different states because of just how slow the business is,' said Budnick, an advocate for getting formerly incarcerated people into the pipeline for industry jobs. Hollywood hopes collide with Sacramento reality As budget negotiations careen toward a June 15 spending plan deadline, Newsom is trying to assure the anxious industry he'll be able to deliver. His office reiterated on Thursday he is 'fully committed' to securing a revamped $750 millon credit. Even if Newsom is able to claim victory in the final gauntlet of budget negotiations, it's far from assured that the effort will break through Hollywood's current malaise. A panel of top studio executives at the ritzy Milken Global Issues conference last month offered a stark illustration of the gap between Hollywood's expectations and the realities in Sacramento. Casey Bloys, who runs HBO, lamented how California's tax credits — which are capped and distributed via lottery — compared to Georgia's uncapped incentive program. 'Because it's capped, you can't plan,' Bloys said. 'You have to get into a lottery, and you're not sure if your show is going to get the tax break or not.' But an uncapped tax credit was never in the cards in California, especially in this fraught budget year. Newsom is betting that he can make at least some headway in pulling Hollywood out of its doldrums. But that success depends on the studios actually being open to returning to California — or if the enticements from outside its borders prove too tempting to pass up. 'My sense is that people throughout the industry — from the folks building sets to studio execs — recognize that Newsom is doing more than any governor in memory to try and save California's entertainment industry,' said Brian Brokaw, a Newsom adviser who sits on the California Film Commission. 'Ultimately what this will come down to is whether those who actually make the decisions about where to shoot share the governor's commitment to California.' The exodus of production from the state may be so long gone that nothing Newsom does now will substantially reverse the tide. But perhaps the governor's film tax flex could at least quell some uncomfortable questions about Hollywood flight under his watch — particularly if he wants to tout his record in a 2028 White House run. 'If he's going to run for president, this is gonna come up,' said Rushfield, the longtime industry watcher. 'And he's got to be able to say that he tried.'
Yahoo
30-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
No, Stephanie Ruhle Is Not Leaving MSNBC — Rumors Explained
Wondering if Stephanie Ruhle is leaving MSNBC? A recent report about contract negotiations and possible pay cuts has sparked speculation, raising questions about her future at the network. The topic has quickly picked up momentum online. Here's what we know so far. Stephanie Ruhle is not leaving MSNBC, according to all currently available reports. She continues to host The 11th Hour on MSNBC, airing weeknights at 11 p.m. ET. In December 2024, The Ankler reported that MSNBC offered Ruhle and fellow anchor Joy Reid contract renewals that included pay cuts as part of the network's cost-cutting measures. Ruhle reportedly earns $2 million a year and plans to remain with the network under the revised terms. The cost-cutting efforts follow a similar reduction in Rachel Maddow's salary and come as Comcast plans to spin off cable assets, causing uncertainty within MSNBC's staff. An MSNBC spokesperson denied rumors that network president Rashida Jones would be departing, despite reported internal upheaval (via New York Post). Amid these negotiations, Ruhle remains active on-air and on social media. She continues to contribute as NBC News' Senior Business Analyst. She also engages in public commentary, including a recent appearance on Rainn Wilson's podcast, wherein she claimed that 'there is no fact-checking' on X (formerly Twitter), describing the platform as 'a bastion of misinformation.' Reason Magazine later disputed this, citing X's Community Notes as a form of decentralized fact-checking. There have been no official statements or reports confirming that Ruhle intends to exit MSNBC. She maintains a consistent presence on the network's nightly lineup and social platforms, with recent posts about economic commentary and political analysis. The post No, Stephanie Ruhle Is Not Leaving MSNBC — Rumors Explained appeared first on - Movie Trailers, TV & Streaming News, and More.
Yahoo
30-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Rumors About Stephanie Ruhle Leaving MSNBC Debunked
Wondering if Stephanie Ruhle is leaving MSNBC? A recent report about contract negotiations and possible pay cuts has sparked speculation, raising questions about her future at the network. The topic has quickly picked up momentum online. Here's what we know so far. Stephanie Ruhle is not leaving MSNBC, according to all currently available reports. She continues to host The 11th Hour on MSNBC, airing weeknights at 11 p.m. ET. In December 2024, The Ankler reported that MSNBC offered Ruhle and fellow anchor Joy Reid contract renewals that included pay cuts as part of the network's cost-cutting measures. Ruhle reportedly earns $2 million a year and plans to remain with the network under the revised terms. The cost-cutting efforts follow a similar reduction in Rachel Maddow's salary and come as Comcast plans to spin off cable assets, causing uncertainty within MSNBC's staff. An MSNBC spokesperson denied rumors that network president Rashida Jones would be departing, despite reported internal upheaval (via New York Post). Amid these negotiations, Ruhle remains active on-air and on social media. She continues to contribute as NBC News' Senior Business Analyst. She also engages in public commentary, including a recent appearance on Rainn Wilson's podcast, wherein she claimed that 'there is no fact-checking' on X (formerly Twitter), describing the platform as 'a bastion of misinformation.' Reason Magazine later disputed this, citing X's Community Notes as a form of decentralized fact-checking. There have been no official statements or reports confirming that Ruhle intends to exit MSNBC. She maintains a consistent presence on the network's nightly lineup and social platforms, with recent posts about economic commentary and political analysis. Originally reported by Anubhav Chaudhry on ComingSoon. The post Rumors About Stephanie Ruhle Leaving MSNBC Debunked appeared first on Mandatory.
Perth Now
25-04-2025
- Entertainment
- Perth Now
Lena Dunham shares 'unexpected' Girls reunion plan
Lena Dunham is open to bringing back 'Girls' - in 20 years time. The 38-year-old actress starred in, wrote, directed and produced the HBO show - which ran for six seasons from 2012 to 2017 - and while she's open to playing Hannah again, she's keen to do something "unexpected" and wait until her alter ego and her pals Marnie (Allison Williams), Shoshanna (Zosia Mamet) and Jessa (Jemima Kirke) are much older. Asked about a 'Girls' reunion, Lena said on The Ankler's Substack Live series 'The Rushfield Lunch': 'We haven't had a conversation about a reunion only because we always said when the show ended that if we were going to go back, it would have to be at such a different phase in their lives. Let's check in when they're 60. "Let's check in when they're not at 'Sex and the City' age, they've taken even another leap. Part of the goal of the show was always to lean into what was unexpected, so we want to be unexpected if we come together again.' Lena doesn't think the characters' cluelessness would be as believable in the present day as it was during its original run. She said: 'I feel like in a world after Me Too, in a world after the summer of 2020 uprisings and the conversation that existed in America around race, the conversations that are happening around gender, that so much of the confusion and ignorance that the characters exhibited - which was a part of their story—would be almost impossible for people who lived in Brooklyn and were plugged into the world to really exhibit.' Lena previously admitted she was "touched and honoured" that 'Girls' has seen a resurgence in recent years as she never imagined people would still want to watch it now. She told E! News last year: "I am so touched and honoured that young people this cool and on their s*** are responding to the show. "I never made the show imagining that it would be seen at all, much less seen in 10 years. I'm just so grateful that it still resonates with people. "I'm in total awe of Generation Z. They're cooler, they're smarter, they're more on top of it. I feel like in every way that older people rolled their eyes at millennials, I have the opposite experience."
