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Globe and Mail
12-05-2025
- Politics
- Globe and Mail
Canada needs a foreign human intelligence service
Thomas Juneau is a professor with the University of Ottawa's Graduate School of Public and International Affairs. Vincent Rigby is a former national security and intelligence adviser to the prime minister and the Slater Family Professor of Practice with McGill University's Max Bell School of Public Policy. Stephanie Carvin is an associate professor with Carleton University's Norman Paterson School of International Affairs. For decades, a small circle of government officials and academics have periodically debated whether Canada should establish a foreign human intelligence service. Proponents have argued that, as the only G7 member state without such a body, Canada needs to set up its own version of an American CIA or British MI6. Opponents have responded that Canada's secure position in North America and the important benefits it already derives from intelligence partnerships, such as the Five Eyes, have made the many challenges of creating a separate foreign intelligence agency unnecessary. It is time to revisit this debate. It must be acknowledged at the outset that these discussions have often been based on a false premise, i.e., that Canada does not already collect foreign intelligence. In fact, the Canadian Armed Forces do so during overseas operations, while the Communications Security Establishment (CSE) possesses a robust signals-intelligence collection program. In addition, Global Affairs Canada gathers information related to our foreign interests through its Global Security Reporting Program, while the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) collects foreign intelligence within Canada under limited circumstances and can collect security intelligence overseas. And contrary to arguments that Canada's intelligence programs are derided by our allies, our capabilities are in fact widely respected, notably with respect to cyber operations and watching over the Arctic. But now is the time to step up these efforts. To begin with, the United States is not, and is unlikely to be for the foreseeable future, a reliable ally. Recent American actions toward Canada have been hostile, and there is no guarantee that Washington will continue sharing intelligence as it has in the past. Beyond North America, a revanchist Russia, an ascendant China, and a proliferation of conflicts, from the Middle East to the Caribbean to Africa, also directly threaten Canadian interests. The slow crumbling of Canadian democracy Given this deteriorating environment, exacerbated by a predatory United States, we believe that Prime Minister Mark Carney should take two steps: create a foreign human intelligence service, and enhance current intelligence capabilities as an interim step. To be clear, any such service will fall short of being a 'Canadian CIA,' a level of ambition that is neither feasible nor desirable. But even a small agency would allow Canada to collect a greater volume of information from human sources abroad on matters vital to its interests. It would allow policy-makers to better understand the intentions and capabilities of a growing number of adversaries and take more effective action in response. It would focus on states, non-state actors such as terrorists and drug cartels, and also 'over-the-horizon' transnational threats such as pandemics and climate change. Establishing such a service will be no easy task, and will involve significant government machinery. It will come with a steep financial cost. It will require the poaching of highly specialized skills from other departments and agencies. It will raise multiple political, legal and moral issues. And it will take time – likely five to 10 years. The government will need to ensure that it proceeds carefully and deliberately, bases all its decisions on solid evidence and consults Canadians. That is why, in the meantime, Mr. Carney should significantly enhance Canada's collection and analysis of foreign intelligence. This could include providing greater resources to CSIS, the CSE, Global Affairs Canada and the Canadian Armed Forces to do more intelligence gathering and assessment abroad. It could also mean strengthening open-source intelligence capabilities throughout the national security community, as recommended by Justice Marie-Josée Hogue in her recent report on foreign interference. And Canada should diversify and deepen its partnerships outside the Five Eyes, particularly in Europe (including with France, Germany, and the Nordic countries) and in the Indo-Pacific (notably Japan and South Korea). These two steps, taken in tandem, will bring important benefits to Canada: greater strategic autonomy, greater support for our national security, including our foreign and defence policies and, above all, greater protection for Canadians. It will also enhance Canada's standing with its intelligence partners and, as a result, secure even more co-operation from them. Recent events demonstrate that Canada must do more to strengthen its security and prosperity and protect its values. These efforts will come in many shapes and sizes, but all should be aimed at making Canada more resilient and independent. Creating a foreign human intelligence service should be a top priority for the government as it embarks on this vital journey to build a Canada fit-for-purpose in the 21st century.
News24
25-04-2025
- Politics
- News24
Despite heavy US bombardment, Yemen's Houthis drive recruitment, propaganda successes
The US has escalated its bombing campaign of Houthi areas in Yemen. But Houthi recruitment increased regardless of the campaign. The Houthis are leveraging the bombing as a propaganda tool, say experts. As America's escalated bombing campaign and economic sanctions hit Yemen hard, the Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Washington's crosshairs are trying to mine the situation for propaganda and recruitment, analysts said. On Monday, four days after 80 people were killed in US strikes on a fuel port, the Houthis released a slick promotional video showing special forces marching over the Israeli flag and somersaulting through flaming hoops. Against a soundtrack of dramatic music, the masked soldiers fire automatic weapons at targets bearing the American, Israeli and British flags - the three countries involved in attacks on Yemen since January 2024. The Houthis, part of Iran's "axis of resistance" against Israel and the US, have painted themselves as defenders of Gaza during the Israel-Hamas war, launching a drumbeat of missiles and drones both at Israel and at cargo vessels plying the key Red Sea trade route. In response, the administration of US President Donald Trump has ramped up pressure on the group, redesignating it a terrorist organisation and carrying out near-daily air strikes that have killed more than 200 people since mid-March. "The Houthis are absolutely trying to use the intensified campaign of US air strikes for propaganda purposes," said Thomas Juneau, a Middle East specialist at the University of Ottawa's Graduate School of Public and International Affairs. "They are actively using information operations to try to position themselves as champions of the resistance against the United States and its regional partners, including to maximise recruitment domestically." AFP The Houthis, whose regular rallies against the US and Israel are attended by large crowds in the rebel-held capital Sanaa, have urged Yemenis to mobilise. They say that tens of thousands had signed up for military training since the start of the war in the Gaza Strip. In February 2024, Human Rights Watch warned that child recruitment for the rebels' armed forces had "noticeably" increased since the Gaza war began in October 2023. Rebel television aired interviews with survivors of last week's attack on the Ras Issa fuel port, the deadliest of the US campaign, who vowed support for Gaza even as they lay wounded on stretchers. The US escalation "comes at a steep human cost, which could intensify Houthi mobilisation and recruitment", said US-based Yemen expert Mohammed Albasha. AFP But the US raids have also succeeded in destroying some Houthi military capabilities and have forced its leadership into hiding, analysts say. The Houthis managed to survive a decade of air strikes by a Saudi-led coalition and more than a year of US attacks aimed at deterring their harassment of Red Sea shipping. "The difference with the American bombing campaign is its relentless pursuit of Houthi leadership," said Maged al-Madhaji, chairperson of the Sanaa Centre for Strategic Studies, an independent think-tank. Attacks on communication networks and control centres have caused "unprecedented damage to the movement's infrastructure", he added. He said: However, this damage can be repaired if the campaign stops and neither a ground operation nor a political path is pursued. The Houthis are capable of adapting and enduring pressure. Meanwhile, Washington is strangling the rebels financially, sanctioning banks and hitting infrastructure like the Ras Issa fuel terminal - a vital source of energy and funds for the Houthis' precarious economy. Returning the rebels to the US terror list makes it risky for companies to operate in their territory, including by importing materials, as they could face sanctions of their own. "The economic damage is much bigger than just (military strikes)," said Baraa Shiban, a Yemen specialist at Britain's Royal United Services Institute, a security think-tank. He also questioned the effectiveness of the Houthi propaganda among a population already reeling from more than a decade of war with the Saudi-led coalition. "People are frustrated, tired, and they're exhausted. And, you know, the economic situation is very, very dire," Shiban said. "People just want the cycle of violence to end."
Yemen Online
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Yemen Online
Yemen's Houthis seek propaganda boost from deadly US strikes
As America's escalated bombing campaign and economic sanctions hit Yemen hard, the Iran-backed Houthi militia in Washington's crosshairs is trying to mine the situation for propaganda and recruitment, analysts said. On Monday, four days after 80 people were killed in US strikes on a fuel port, the Houthi militia released a slick promotional video showing special forces marching over the Israeli flag and somersaulting through flaming hoops. Against a soundtrack of dramatic music, the masked soldiers fire automatic weapons at targets bearing the American, Israeli, and British flags—the three countries involved in attacks on Yemen since January last year. The Houthi armed group, part of Iran's 'axis of resistance' against Israel and the US, has painted itself as defender of Gaza during the Israel–Hamas war, launching a drumbeat of missiles and drones both at Israel and at cargo vessels plying the key Red Sea trade route. In response, the administration of US President Donald Trump has ramped up pressure on the group, redesignating it a terrorist organization and carrying out near-daily air strikes that have killed more than 200 people since mid-March. 'The Houthis are absolutely trying to use the intensified campaign of US air strikes for propaganda purposes,' said Thomas Juneau, a Middle East specialist at the University of Ottawa's Graduate School of Public and International Affairs. 'They are actively using information operations to try to position themselves as champions of the resistance against the United States and its regional partners, including to maximize recruitment domestically.' Child soldiers The Houthi armed group, whose regular rallies against the United States and Israel are attended by large crowds in the militant-held capital Sanaa, has urged Yemenis to mobilize. They say that tens of thousands have signed up for military training since the start of the war in the Gaza Strip. In February last year, Human Rights Watch warned that child recruitment for the militia's armed forces had 'noticeably' increased since the Gaza war began in October 2023. Houthi television aired interviews with survivors of last week's attack on the Ras Issa fuel port, the deadliest of the US campaign, who vowed support for Gaza even as they lay wounded on stretchers. The US escalation 'comes at a steep human cost, which could intensify Houthi mobilization and recruitment,' said US-based Yemen expert Mohammed Albasha. But the US raids have also succeeded in destroying some Houthi military capabilities and have forced its leadership into hiding, analysts say. The Yemeni group managed to survive a decade of air strikes by an Arab-led coalition and more than a year of US attacks aimed at deterring their harassment of Red Sea shipping. 'The difference with the American bombing campaign is its relentless pursuit of Houthi leadership,' said Maged al-Madhaji, chairperson of the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies, an independent think tank. Attacks on communication networks and control centers have caused 'unprecedented damage to the movement's infrastructure,' he added. 'However, this damage can be repaired if the campaign stops and neither a ground operation nor a political path is pursued. The Houthis are capable of adapting and enduring pressure.' Economic damage 'much bigger' Meanwhile, Washington is strangling the militia financially, sanctioning banks and hitting infrastructure like the Ras Issa fuel terminal—a vital source of energy and funds for the Houthis' precarious economy. Returning the group to the US terror list makes it risky for companies to operate in their territory, including by importing materials, as they could face sanctions of their own. 'The economic damage is much bigger than just (military strikes),' said Baraa Shiban, a Yemen specialist at Britain's Royal United Services Institute, a security think tank. He also questioned the effectiveness of the Houthi propaganda among a population already reeling from more than a decade of war with the Arab-led coalition. 'People are frustrated, tired, and they're exhausted. And, you know, the economic situation is very, very dire,' Shiban said. 'People just want the cycle of violence to end.'
Al Arabiya
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Al Arabiya
Yemen's Houthis seek propaganda boost from deadly US strikes
As America's escalated bombing campaign and economic sanctions hit Yemen hard, the Iran-backed Houthi militia in Washington's crosshairs is trying to mine the situation for propaganda and recruitment, analysts said. On Monday, four days after 80 people were killed in US strikes on a fuel port, the Houthi militia released a slick promotional video showing special forces marching over the Israeli flag and somersaulting through flaming hoops. Against a soundtrack of dramatic music, the masked soldiers fire automatic weapons at targets bearing the American, Israeli, and British flags—the three countries involved in attacks on Yemen since January last year. The Houthi armed group, part of Iran's 'axis of resistance' against Israel and the US, has painted itself as defender of Gaza during the Israel–Hamas war, launching a drumbeat of missiles and drones both at Israel and at cargo vessels plying the key Red Sea trade route. In response, the administration of US President Donald Trump has ramped up pressure on the group, redesignating it a terrorist organization and carrying out near-daily air strikes that have killed more than 200 people since mid-March. 'The Houthis are absolutely trying to use the intensified campaign of US air strikes for propaganda purposes,' said Thomas Juneau, a Middle East specialist at the University of Ottawa's Graduate School of Public and International Affairs. 'They are actively using information operations to try to position themselves as champions of the resistance against the United States and its regional partners, including to maximize recruitment domestically.' Child soldiers The Houthi armed group, whose regular rallies against the United States and Israel are attended by large crowds in the rebel-held capital Sanaa, has urged Yemenis to mobilize. They say that tens of thousands have signed up for military training since the start of the war in the Gaza Strip. In February last year, Human Rights Watch warned that child recruitment for the militia's armed forces had 'noticeably' increased since the Gaza war began in October 2023. Rebel television aired interviews with survivors of last week's attack on the Ras Issa fuel port, the deadliest of the US campaign, who vowed support for Gaza even as they lay wounded on stretchers. The US escalation 'comes at a steep human cost, which could intensify Houthi mobilisation and recruitment,' said US-based Yemen expert Mohammed Albasha. But the US raids have also succeeded in destroying some Houthi military capabilities and have forced its leadership into hiding, analysts say. The Yemeni group managed to survive a decade of air strikes by a Saudi-led coalition and more than a year of US attacks aimed at deterring their harassment of Red Sea shipping. 'The difference with the American bombing campaign is its relentless pursuit of Houthi leadership,' said Maged al-Madhaji, chairperson of the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies, an independent think tank. Attacks on communication networks and control centers have caused 'unprecedented damage to the movement's infrastructure,' he added. 'However, this damage can be repaired if the campaign stops and neither a ground operation nor a political path is pursued. The Houthis are capable of adapting and enduring pressure.' Economic damage 'much bigger' Meanwhile, Washington is strangling the militia financially, sanctioning banks and hitting infrastructure like the Ras Issa fuel terminal—a vital source of energy and funds for the Houthis' precarious economy. Returning the group to the US terror list makes it risky for companies to operate in their territory, including by importing materials, as they could face sanctions of their own. 'The economic damage is much bigger than just (military strikes),' said Baraa Shiban, a Yemen specialist at Britain's Royal United Services Institute, a security think tank. He also questioned the effectiveness of the Houthi propaganda among a population already reeling from more than a decade of war with the Saudi-led coalition. 'People are frustrated, tired, and they're exhausted. And, you know, the economic situation is very, very dire,' Shiban said. 'People just want the cycle of violence to end.'
Time of India
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Yemen's Houthis seek propaganda boost from deadly US strikes
As America's escalated bombing campaign and economic sanctions hit Yemen hard, the Iran-backed Houthis rebels in Washington's crosshairs are trying to mine the situation for propaganda and recruitment, analysts said. On Monday, four days after 80 people were killed in US strikes on a fuel port, the Houthiss released a slick promotional video showing special forces marching over the Israeli flag and somersaulting through flaming hoops. Against a soundtrack of dramatic music, the masked soldiers fire automatic weapons at targets bearing the American, Israeli and British flags -- the three countries involved in attacks on Yemen since January last year. 5 5 Next Stay Playback speed 1x Normal Back 0.25x 0.5x 1x Normal 1.5x 2x 5 5 / Skip Ads by by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Godrej New Launch in Bangalore Godrej MSR City Book Now Undo The Houthiss, part of Iran's "axis of resistance" against Israel and the US, have painted themselves as defenders of Gaza during the Israel-Hamas war, launching a drumbeat of missiles and drones both at Israel and at cargo vessels plying the key Red Sea trade route. In response, the administration of US President Donald Trump has ramped up pressure on the group, redesignating it a terrorist organisation and carrying out near-daily air strikes that have killed more than 200 people since mid-March. Live Events "The Houthiss are absolutely trying to use the intensified campaign of US air strikes for propaganda purposes," said Thomas Juneau, a Middle East specialist at the University of Ottawa's Graduate School of Public and International Affairs. "They are actively using information operations to try to position themselves as champions of the resistance against the United States and its regional partners, including to maximise recruitment domestically." - Child soldiers - The Houthiss, whose regular rallies against the United States and Israel are attended by large crowds in the rebel-held capital Sanaa, have urged Yemenis to mobilise. They say that tens of thousands had signed up for military training since the start of the war in the Gaza Strip. In February last year, Human Rights Watch warned that child recruitment for the rebels' armed forces had "noticeably" increased since the Gaza war began in October 2023. Rebel television aired interviews with survivors of last week's attack on the Ras Issa fuel port, the deadliest of the US campaign, who vowed support for Gaza even as they lay wounded on stretchers. The US escalation "comes at a steep human cost, which could intensify Houthis mobilisation and recruitment", said US-based Yemen expert Mohammed Albasha. But the US raids have also succeeded in destroying some Houthis military capabilities and have forced its leadership into hiding, analysts say. The Houthiss managed to survive a decade of air strikes by a Saudi-led coalition and more than a year of US attacks aimed at deterring their harassment of Red Sea shipping. "The difference with the American bombing campaign is its relentless pursuit of Houthis leadership," said Maged al-Madhaji, chairperson of the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies, an independent think-tank. Attacks on communication networks and control centres have caused "unprecedented damage to the movement's infrastructure", he added. "However, this damage can be repaired if the campaign stops and neither a ground operation nor a political path is pursued. The Houthiss are capable of adapting and enduring pressure." - Economic damage 'much bigger' - Meanwhile, Washington is strangling the rebels financially, sanctioning banks and hitting infrastructure like the Ras Issa fuel terminal -- a vital source of energy and funds for the Houthiss' precarious economy. Returning the rebels to the US terror list makes it risky for companies to operate in their territory, including by importing materials, as they could face sanctions of their own. "The economic damage is much bigger than just (military strikes)," said Baraa Shiban, a Yemen specialist at Britain's Royal United Services Institute, a security think-tank. He also questioned the effectiveness of the Houthis propaganda among a population already reeling from more than a decade of war with the Saudi-led coalition. "People are frustrated, tired, and they're exhausted. And, you know, the economic situation is very, very dire," Shiban said. "People just want the cycle of violence to end."
