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Arabian Post
a day ago
- Business
- Arabian Post
Renewed Race For Gulf-India Aviation Sector Trophy As Stakes Increase Further
By K Raveendran Strong signs of undercurrents are emerging in the aviation space between India and the Gulf. There is renewed tussle over landing rights — the coveted permissions that determine which airlines get to fly where, how often, and with how many seats. For years, this battleground has been tilted in favour of Gulf-based giants, particularly Emirates and later Etihad, both of which have entrenched themselves so deeply in the India-Gulf sector that they dominate passenger volumes, especially among the vast Indian expatriate population in the Gulf. But recent movements suggest that the terrain may be shifting again, albeit not necessarily in India's favour, raising concerns about whether past missteps are being repeated or even institutionalized. The first wave of this dominance came during the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) years, a period that aviation experts and political observers often recall with unease. During this time, India's aviation rights — especially in the high-demand Gulf sector — were offered up with a generosity that baffled many. The most glaring beneficiary was Emirates, which capitalised on India's fragmented aviation policy and the aggressive diplomacy of Dubai government. The role of Praful Patel, then Union Civil Aviation Minister, and N. Chandrababu Naidu, then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, has often come under scrutiny for facilitating deals that disproportionately benefited Gulf carriers. The underlying implication, often whispered but never proven in courts, was that kickbacks were exchanged for each seat Emirates filled on its India routes — a suggestion that continues to fester in the collective memory of Indian aviation policy circles. At that time, Emirates enjoyed a distinct monopoly, owing largely to the fact that it was the sole UAE-based carrier of international standing. With Dubai's rise as a global aviation hub and Emirates' unmatched marketing muscle, the airline quickly scaled up its footprint in India, locking in prime time slots and lucrative routes with little resistance. In effect, Emirates became the default choice for millions of Indians flying to the Gulf and beyond, eclipsing the capacity and visibility of Indian carriers like Air India. This asymmetry didn't just result in a business setback for Indian aviation — it triggered a slow bleeding of India's aviation sovereignty. The profits, the passenger data, the traffic, and the global prestige of being a gateway carrier all accrued to Emirates, while Indian airlines floundered under the weight of policy paralysis and state apathy. Things became even more complicated when Etihad entered the fray. As Abu Dhabi's flagship carrier, Etihad's arrival introduced a new axis of influence in the India-Gulf aviation theatre. Where earlier it was just Emirates leveraging its ties with Indian authorities to expand its rights, now both Emirates and Etihad were competing not just with each other but also for the same slice of the Indian aviation pie. The diplomatic equation thus had to be recalibrated. No longer could Dubai's interests automatically translate into Emirates' gain. Abu Dhabi, backed by the UAE federal structure, began asserting its claim, demanding equitable treatment for Etihad. India, in turn, found itself in a quagmire. Granting more rights to one Gulf emirate risked offending the other. But instead of revisiting its entire bilateral framework or strengthening Indian carriers to hold their ground, Indian policymakers chose the path of least resistance: acquiescing to more requests from both sides. The result was that foreign carriers ended up with the lion's share of rights, while Indian carriers, with limited international ambitions and fleet capacity at the time, were left watching from the sidelines. Fast forward to today, and the script seems eerily familiar. Both Emirates and Etihad are once again lobbying for increased landing rights and additional seat allocations. This comes at a time when the dynamics of the aviation industry have evolved significantly. There is renewed focus on strategic aviation corridors, a post-pandemic surge in travel, and a stronger realisation globally that aviation is not just commerce — it is a soft power instrument. Yet despite all this, India appears to be on the verge of conceding even more ground. That this is happening without a thorough review of how previous concessions impacted national interests is particularly disheartening. A disturbing undertone to this situation is the re-emergence — or rather, the persistence — of the very individuals who were instrumental in the original giveaways. These actors, once thought to have exited the stage after presiding over what some call the 'Great Indian Aviation Surrender,' are now reappearing in various roles, emboldened by their earlier success and perhaps by the lack of accountability. The risk here is not just the erosion of market share but the institutionalization of a defeatist approach to aviation diplomacy, where India negotiates from a position of weakness rather than asserting its growing economic and geopolitical clout. However, the new player that adds an unexpected twist to this ongoing narrative is IndiGo. As India's largest airline by a considerable margin, IndiGo is no longer content with its domestic dominance. It wants in on the Gulf bonanza, and it is using its size, efficiency, and growing international aspirations to demand a bigger seat at the table. This changes the calculus considerably. For the first time in years, there's an Indian private player with both the appetite and the capacity to challenge Gulf airlines on their turf. IndiGo's entry into the fray has the potential to reshape the competitive landscape — provided, of course, the government aligns national policy with corporate ambition. To avoid repeating past mistakes, India must initiate a root-and-branch review of its bilateral air service agreements. The country needs a clear aviation doctrine — one that articulates when, how, and under what conditions foreign airlines may operate in India. This doctrine must prioritize Indian interests, encourage domestic capacity building, and align with broader national objectives. It must also be shielded from short-term political compulsions and the influence of lobbying networks that have historically undermined strategic policymaking. (IPA Service)
Time of India
30-05-2025
- Business
- Time of India
New Train Services from Madhya Pradesh: Boosting Connectivity and Economic Development, ET Infra
Advt New projects and investment in Madhya Pradesh By , ETInfra Union Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw on Thursday announced that three new train services will be launched from Madhya Pradesh within the next two months. These include services connecting Rewa to Pune, Jabalpur to Raipur, and Gwalior to KSR Bengaluru to reporters during an online interaction from New Delhi, Vaishnaw said the Rewa-Pune train via Satna will support travel for students and families to Maharashtra's second largest city, which is known for its higher education has reported that the Jabalpur-Raipur service will run via Nainpur in Mandla district and Gondia in Maharashtra. The minister said this route will improve connectivity between tribal areas in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. 'It will promote trade and tourism between the two states, create new employment opportunities, and contribute to the region's economic development,' he Gwalior-KSR Bengaluru City service will run via Guna and also highlighted that projects worth ₹1.01 lakh crore are currently underway in Madhya Pradesh. 'This is 28 times more than that during the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government,' he said. The UPA governed from 2004 to said the Ratlam-Nagda third and fourth line projects, which were recently approved at an estimated cost of ₹1,018 crore, are expected to be completed ahead of schedule. 'A project like Ratlam-Nagda third and fourth line usually takes four years to complete, but it will be finished ahead of schedule. The Ratlam-Nagda third and fourth lines project will ensure smooth and faster transportation of passengers and goods,' the minister online briefing was also attended by Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Mohan Yadav, cabinet members, the Bhopal Divisional Railway Manager, and other railway to a government statement, the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi has approved the Ratlam-Nagda and Wardha-Balharshah multi-tracking projects. The combined cost is estimated at ₹3,399 crore and the projects are expected to be completed by two projects will add 176 kilometres to the railway network across four districts in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. They are expected to improve rail access for 784 villages with a combined population of 19.74 lakh.
The Hindu
25-05-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Frontier of progress: On the potential of the northeast
That unity in diversity is India's strength might sound clichéd, but it is as true as ever. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, while speaking at the Rising North East Investors Summit 2025 last week, cited the diversity of India's northeastern region to underscore the vast diversity of the country. The northeast is rich in its cultural diversity and natural resources, and its location, topography and complex histories make it a unique space. But its numerous linguistic, tribal and cultural affinities can be a source of conflict within the Indian state. At times, these conflicts can be violent as the one in Manipur, which erupted on May 3, 2023, and is still simmering between the Kuki and Meiti communities. The Modi government and State governments in the region have sought to turn the region into an attractive destination for investors and tourists. The Sela Tunnel in Arunachal Pradesh, the Bhupen Hazarika bridge in Assam, the construction of 11,000 kilometres of highways, extensive new rail lines, more airports, the development of waterways on the Brahmaputra and Barak rivers, the expansion of mobile telephony, and a 1,600-km-long Northeast Gas Grid are examples of the new dynamism of the region. The Modi government has built on the initiatives of its predecessor United Progressive Alliance governments. Mr. Modi has also sought to settle many a conflict in the region in the last decade. The Framework Agreement with the NSCN (Isak-Muivah) in August 2015, although nebulous now, the Bodo Peace Accord and the Bru refugee settlement (both in January 2020), and the rollback of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act from a larger part of the region have been some of the steps signalling the Centre's intent. The change in perception about the northeast and its green cover has led to a surge in tourism and attracted investments, headlined by the Tata Group's ₹27,000-crore semiconductor plant coming up in Assam. But the challenges remain. Apart from Manipur, there is the perception in Nagaland that the Centre has lost interest in the peace process. Inter-State border disputes also continue to haunt the region, although Assam has partially resolved its issues with Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya. The investments have increased the demand for power and the focus on hydroelectric projects, most in Arunachal Pradesh, has triggered local protests fearing displacement and environmental damage in a region that is prone to natural disasters. Increased rhetoric by the Bharatiya Janata Party about immigrants from Bangladesh and Myanmar has heightened social tensions. If India has to meaningfully pursue its Act East policy, by integrating the northeast more closely with the east Asian economies, then its policies within the borders and toward the neighbouring countries should be in alignment.
Time of India
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
New India needs old paradigm
Only jingoistic Pakistanis and some Westerners are unwilling to acknowledge the resounding success of Operation Sindoor. The Narendra Modi government has scored a perfect 10 in the military operations. Government functionaries and Bharatiya Janata Party leaders have proved that their claim, 'this is new India,' is true: the rhetoric has become a reality. They should also realize that new India needs another kind of politics and public life. But let's discuss good things first. The planning of Operation Sindoor was flawless and the execution meticulous. This, however, did not happen on its own; the Modi government invested a great deal of resources, energy, and time to strengthen the country militarily. Operation Sindoor's success was predicated upon important policy decisions that the government took in the last 11 years. In the 10 years before that (2004-14), when the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance was in office, defence procurements were severely hit under the then defence minister A.K. Antony. From all accounts, Antony was an honest politician. But as a leader holding the defence portfolio for eight years (2006-14), he did very little to bolster defence preparedness. Perhaps, he feared kickbacks in the purchase of arms and armaments, so, instead of cleaning up the process or attempting to do that, he simply did nothing. This hurt defence preparedness. It is to the credit of the Modi regime that the military's requirements were answered in earnest. Policy-driven military modernization strengthened the air defence ecosystem, combining imported systems like the S-400 and Barak-8 with indigenous platforms such as Akash missiles and anti-drone technologies from DRDO. Today, this ecosystem is seamlessly integrated. India's retaliation too, which resulted in badly damaging Pakistani air defence assets, was also a culmination of years of strategic preparation. Loitering munitions and suicide drones, ordered in 2021 and built domestically, hit Pakistani defences with precision. Israeli-origin Harop drones, now manufactured in India, were deployed effectively alongside Rafale jets armed with SCALP and HAMMER missiles, delivering surgical deep strikes. Key developments in India's air defence build-up include the Rs 35,000 crore deal for five S-400 Triumph systems, three of which are already operational, and a $2.5 billion pact with Israel for the Barak-8 MR-SAMs, now guarding frontline bases. Indigenous Akash missile batteries and DRDO's Man-Portable Counter-Drone Systems (MPCDS), deployed in 2024, form a layered shield against aerial threats. This readiness is not limited to, as it was earlier, public-sector advances. Companies like Tata Advanced Systems (TAS), Alpha Design Technologies, Paras Defence, and ideaForge no longer play just supportive roles to public sector entities and foreign equipment; they are now critical to India's defence. Drones have become the most visible symbol of India's defence transformation. From operating Israeli UAVs in the 1990s, India now boasts a growing fleet of indigenously developed drones. Solar Industries' Nagastra-1 and NewSpace Research's swarm drones were game-changers during the operation. Upcoming platforms include Garuda Aerospace's Jatayu and SkyPod for high-altitude logistics, and AI-driven systems from startups like 114AI. Looking ahead, space will be pivotal. Firms like Digantara, Pixxel, and Dhruva Space are driving satellite and space situational awareness capabilities. In 2025, three private firms were chosen to co-develop 31 satellites under the SBS-3 programme, marking a strategic shift in space-based surveillance. Operation Sindoor demonstrated that the proper fusion of political vision, military prowess, and private innovation can be extremely effective. So far, so good. But, in this euphoric moment, we should not forget our dirty underbelly—the toxicity that has polluted both public debate and public discourse. Quite apart from the ugliness of a senior Bharatiya Janata Party leader making deplorable remarks about Col Sofiya Qureshi's religion and a Samajwadi Party leader talking about Wing Commander Vyomika Singh's caste, there is the issue of rising sentimentalism and sanctimoniousness in India. This chokes vibrancy in debates and discussions, reducing them to a cacophony of clichés, cant, and rant. Politics becomes a polarising, divisive force. The government has done well to include important political leaders in its massive diplomatic outreach; Shashi Tharoor is even heading the delegation to the US. This is a good step that may bring some sense, sensibility, and purpose to politics. This is also in the best traditions of India's efforts to guard national interests. In 1994, the then Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao sent Leader of Opposition Atal Bihari Vajpayee as head of the delegation to the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) in Geneva to counter Pakistan. In the wake of the Mumbai terror attacks in November 2008, PM Manmohan Singh also ensured that leaders from all parties were part of the delegations to different continents with evidence of Pakistan's links to the terror strike. The Modi government and the BJP must ensure that the best traditions of Indian politics are resurrected. The way politics is conducted in our country is untenable; it needs a transformation. New India needs an old paradigm. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
The Hindu
15-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
India-Pakistan conflict: Government to form multi-party delegations for diplomatic outreach
The government is planning to send multi-party delegations for a diplomatic outreach with other countries to present India's point of view on the recent India-Pakistan conflict in wake of the Pahalgam attack, in which 26 tourists were killed by unidentified terrorists. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) didn't respond to requests for a comment on the plan and why the government felt it was required. The government's move to mobilise all-party delegations mirrors similar initiatives by previous United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and National Democratic Alliance (NDA) governments, to make India's case abroad on crucial issues. As per sources, the delegations will comprise prominent leaders and Parliamentarians from across the political lines. It will also have former diplomats and other specialists. The multiple groups will leave for different destinations across the world on May 23. They will visit various capitals and interact with both government and civil society groups. Sources also confirmed that former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, who leads the Democratic Progressive Azad Party and All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) chief Asaduddin Owaisi are likely to be part of the delegations. Since the Pahalgam attacks on April 22 and Operation Sindoor, the Narendra Modi government has projected India's 'secular' image, choosing two women of different faiths, Colonel Sofiya Qureshi and Wing Commander Vyomika Singh, to lead the military briefings. 'The idea is to bring the focus back on the core issue of terrorism, which perhaps has not received the necessary attention from the world leaders,' an opposition Rajya Sabha MP said. The move comes after the Indian government strongly refuted U.S. President Donald Trump's claim on his behind-the-scene role in bringing the hostilities between India and Pakistan to a pause. Under Operation Sindoor, India conducted strikes on nine terror locations inside Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir on May 7. MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal at a press conference in the capital on May 13 said that the government did not deviate from its stated policy, that 'any issues pertaining to the Indian Union Territory of J&K have to be addressed by India and Pakistan bilaterally'. Past governments too have reached out across the aisle to assist them in presenting the country's view point and for better people-to-people outreach. In 1994, Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao sent Leader of the Opposition Atal Bihari Vajpayee, former J&K Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah, Salman Khurshid and other leaders to make India's case at the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) in Geneva, where a Pakistan-sponsored resolution that sought to censure India on human rights in J&K was defeated. In 2008, after the Mumbai attacks, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh decided to send multi-party delegations to different continents with dossiers on Pakistan's links to the terror attacks. While India had decided not to attack Pakistan militarily, the diplomatic offensive brought unprecedented international pressure on Pakistan to crack down on the Lashkar-e-Taiba and other groups through the United Nations Security Council and Financial Action Task Force (FATF), which grey-listed Pakistan for the first time. 'Prime Minister Singh was very clear, that India would win global solidarity over its fight against cross-border terrorism, and he didn't want to diffuse the message by making it about India-Pakistan tensions, and the delegations we led found favourable responses in every capital we visited,' MP and former Human Resources Development Minister Kapil Sibal told The Hindu. He had appealed to the government last week to consider sending such delegations after Operation Sindoor. He had led a similar delegation to Africa in 2008.
