Latest news with #Velayat-eFaqih
Memri
7 hours ago
- Politics
- Memri
Rojava as an Inspiration: What Should the Kurds of Rojhelat Kurdistan Do in Iran?
While the Israeli military operation 'Rising Lion' against the Iranian regime aims to dismantle Iran's nuclear program, eliminate its ballistic missile capabilities, and curb Tehran's malign influence across the Middle East, it also presents a rare opportunity to overthrow the Velayat-e Faqih regime and put an end to the tyranny of the Ayatollahs. This calls on the Kurdish movement in Rojhelat/East Kurdistan, as well as the movements of other peoples in Iran, such as the Arabs, Balochis, Azeris, and democratic-minded Persians, to seize the current moment and work toward achieving this goal. In this context, Iranian Kurdish groups have issued various statements in response to Israel's operation against Iran, viewing it as a significant opportunity to overthrow the theocratic Velayat-e Faqih regime and transition the country toward a democratic system that respects its ethnic diversity. 'As Long As This Regime Remains In Power, The Situation Will Only Deteriorate' The Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), the oldest Iranian Kurdish party, said in a statement: 'As long as this regime remains in power, the situation will only deteriorate. Therefore, the first and most important prerequisite for saving Iran's citizens from this crisis, destruction and darkness is to completely remove and end this regime.'[1] The Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK) has taken an explicit stance in support of these attacks and the process of destroying Iranian military and security capabilities: 'PAK insists on a nationwide uprising to end the regime or to reduce it in Tehran. It hopes that the people's uprising will end 46 years of crime and plunder and bring the judgment.'[2] Commenting on the ongoing war, the Secretary General of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, Abdullah Mohtadi, said in a television interview: 'The Iranian people reject the Islamic Republic's costly nuclear ambitions.' He called for 'a democratic, secular, and federal Iran that serves its people and lives in peace with its neighbors.'[3] The Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK) said in its statement: 'We believe that transitioning to a Democratic Republic of Iran requires shifting perspectives and departing from power-seeking, nationalism, patriarchy, and centralism. We affirm our duty to defend our people and the other peoples of Iran against any form of repression or threat of massacre. We will fulfill this duty within the framework of legitimate self-defense of our rights and existence.'[4] (Source: 'The Kurdish Liberation Movement In Rojhelat Kurdistan And Iran Can Draw Upon The Experience Of The Kurds In Rojava During The Syrian Conflict' The Kurds in Iran constitute approximately 25% of the population, estimated at around 20 million people. They are spread across ten provinces in western Iran, a region commonly referred to as Rojhelat Kurdistan (Eastern Kurdistan). This region includes major Kurdish cities such as Urmia, Mahabad, Sinna (Sanandaj), Kermashan (Kermanshah), Saqqez, Ilam, and Lorestan. Additionally, Kurds are present in Khorasan, in eastern Iran, near the borders with Afghanistan and Turkmenistan. Rojhelat Kurdistan is characterized by economic wealth, abundant water resources, and significant oil and gas fields, along with various mineral deposits. There are also estimates suggesting the presence of rare earth element reserves. The Kurds in Iran speak various Kurdish dialects, including Kurmanji, Sorani, Kalhuri, and Luri, and embrace different religious sects such as Sunni Islam, Feyli, and Kakayi (Yarsan). Rojhelat Kurdistan is also inhabited by minorities such as Arabs in areas near Ahwaz, Azeris in the north, as well as Armenians and Assyrians. Most of the Jewish community has emigrated to the state of Israel. The Kurdish struggle in Rojhelat Kurdistan has a long history, dating back to the 1940s, when the Republic of Kurdistan in Mahabad was declared in 1946. That republic, however, was crushed in less than a year, and its leaders were executed by the Shah's regime. Just as the Shah's regime had done, repression and forced assimilation policies against the Kurds in Iran continued under the mullahs' regime, which came to power in 1979. At various stages, the Kurdish movements confronted this subjugation and repression through political struggle and armed resistance. Meanwhile, under the pressure of Israeli attacks in Operation 'Rising Lion', the possibility of the Iranian regime's collapse is growing due to its weakening capabilities and exposed vulnerabilities. Therefore, the Kurdish liberation movement in Rojhelat Kurdistan and Iran can draw upon the experience of the Kurds in Rojava during the Syrian conflict. That experience enabled them to defend themselves and establish a model of democratic autonomy based on gender equality and cultural pluralism. 'The Establishment Of An Autonomous Or Federal Region in Rojhelat Kurdistan Is A Realistic Prospect' Although the Kurdish parties – PDKI, Komala, PAK, and PJAK – each have a military wing, Iranian pressure on the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and Baghdad has compelled some of these parties to evacuate their camps in the mountain ranges along the Iraq-Iran border. Only PJAK has resisted this pressure and continues to maintain its forces in those areas. It is worth noting that fighters from this group took part alongside the People's Protection Units (YPG) in the fight against ISIS in 2015 during the Battle of Kobani The establishment of an autonomous or federal region in Rojhelat Kurdistan is a realistic prospect in light of current developments. This requires Kurdish movements to unify their military efforts, coordinate with the United States, and even establish channels of communication with Israel. In this regard, the experience of the People's Protection Units (YPG) – which became the backbone of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in partnership with the international coalition – serves as a relevant model. The model of pluralistic democratic governance practiced by the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) – which respects cultural diversity – offers a valuable experience from which Rojhelat Kurdistan can benefit. It may also serve as an inspiration for other ethnic groups in Iran, such as the Balochis, Arabs, and Azeris, to build upon. This would certainly help break the centralized authoritarianism imposed by the ruling regime in Tehran and advance the idea of peaceful coexistence, standing in stark contrast to the ethnic and sectarian conflicts perpetuated by the doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih. 'Jin – Jiyan – Azadi' (Woman – Life – Freedom) Such a model also promotes gender equality and liberates women, who have long suffered under the patriarchal mentality of the mullahs' regime. The inspiration given by Kurdish female fighters in the Women's Protection Units (YPJ) for Jina (Mahsa) Amini's uprising and the slogan 'Jin – Jiyan – Azadi' (Woman – Life – Freedom) against the Iranian regime in 2022 is an example of what Rojava's influence can be. It is noteworthy that Kurdish women from Rojhelat have also played a prominent role in military formations, whether within PJAK or the Peshmerga forces of other parties. The emergence of Kurdish self-rule in Rojhelat Kurdistan – beyond the authority and tyranny of the central power in Tehran – following the examples of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and Rojava, has the potential to guarantee the right of millions of Kurds to self-determination in a new part of Kurdistan. This development may not be welcomed by Turkey, which occupies the largest portion of Kurdistan with a Kurdish population of approximately 30 million. Nevertheless, the success of the Kurds – anywhere in Kurdistan – in establishing a democratic, pluralistic system of governance that upholds the values of justice, freedom, and secularism ultimately serves the interests of a new Middle East, where diverse peoples coexist in peace and prosperity. Turkey's Role and Its Kurdophobia Transitioning Iran from a rogue state to a democratic and peaceful nation – both for its own people and for the broader Middle East – also requires distancing it from the malign influence of Turkey, which has long been an ally of the Velayat-e Faqih regime, and has provided it with a backdoor channel to circumvent sanctions. Driven by its anti-Kurdish sentiment, evident in its actions in Rojava, Turkey may seek either to prolong the life of the Iranian regime or exploit its weakness to impose its own agenda on the peoples of Iran, thereby depriving them of freedom and democracy. Therefore, Israel and Western nations must deliver a clear and decisive message to Turkey, urging it to cease its destabilizing interference, just as it is currently doing in Syria by backing a "Version 2.0" of the Velayat-e Faqih regime through the empowerment of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham to assume control in Damascus, with the aim of monopolizing power and excluding other components, particularly the Kurds. *Çeleng Omer, a prominent economist from Kurdish-led North and East Syria, is a former resident of Afrin and professor at Afrin University. He was forced to flee the region due to the ongoing Turkish occupation.
Arab News
11-03-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
The struggle in Syria … the struggle over Syria
Safeguarding victory is often more difficult than achieving it. That is self-evident, all the more so when powers and factions are eagerly seeking to overturn the shifts we saw in Syria a few months ago. These actors were caught off-guard by the pace at which the shift unfolded, especially the collapse of the security apparatus in major Syrian cities, one after another. Nonetheless, anyone who understands the fabric of Syrian society recognized, at the time, that multiple actors, both domestic and foreign, had not yet had their final say. This is not a fleeting phase but is rather the legacy of 54 years of iron-fisted rule, the 'deep state' it built, systematic brainwashing and the networks of vested interests and transnational mutual accommodations. On the other hand, Syria is not, as we are constantly reminded, an isolated island. It is the heart of the Middle East, which is the heart of the world. Syria is a cradle of civilization, culture and religion — it is a crossroads of trade and military confrontation, as well as the West's window to the East and the East's gateway to the West. It gave the world the alphabet. Religions whose faithful span the globe emerged in Syria. It has produced emperors, while empires have relied on the bounty of its land. It has played a role in most of the major events that have shaped the fate of humanity: from the Islamic conquests and the Crusades to the rise and fall of the Ottoman Empire and the world order established after the First World War. That world order, however, left fragmentation (partition) in the Levant, first through the Sykes-Picot Agreement and second with the Balfour Declaration. As we can see today, we are still dealing with the repercussions of these two major turning points. Syria is not, as we are constantly reminded, an isolated island. It is the heart of the Middle East, which is the heart of the world Eyad Abu Shakra At this critical moment, Syria is undergoing a difficult ordeal that many had anticipated. First, the state of shock that facilitated the collapse of the Assad regime and the dominance of regional patron Iran's 'Velayat-e Faqih' regime has faded. Tehran has regained its footing and begun to retaliate, undermining the change in Syria. There are many reasons behind its effort to destabilize the country, chief among them proving that it remains a powerful regional player following the blows it received at the hands of Israel in Lebanon. Israel's blows sought to put a ceiling on Iran's ambitions for regional dominance, which had come at the expense of the other two sides of the triangle: Israel and Turkiye. Here, it is worth recalling, once again, that neither Tel Aviv nor Washington has an interest in removing Tehran's regime. The well-known reasons include Tehran's role in impeding Palestinian unity, undermining Palestinian resistance and thwarting the state project in Lebanon. Second, Israel has never, even for a moment, forgotten its geopolitical priorities. Foremost among them is realizing its ancient messianic dream of dominating the land that stretches from the Euphrates to the Nile. This dream emboldens the most extreme Torah adherents, racists and advocates of population transfer, pushing them to impose their will on a region that has become exhausted, dazed and confused. Exploiting Palestinian divisions is crucial to achieving this end. Facilitated and fostered by the regime in Tehran, this division is a steppingstone toward the displacement of Palestinians, first from Gaza and then from the West Bank. And who knows whether the Palestinian citizens of Israel will be spared from this wave of displacement at a time when the US president is not only signing a blank check to the Israelis, but also seeking to go further, appointing political and diplomatic officials with the goal of further fragmenting the region. Furthermore, Syria and its mosaic-like social fabric has long been a point of interest for Israeli expansionists, who see potential for exploitation. For quite some time now, Tel Aviv has been leveraging every doubt and fear to convince weak-spirited individuals in Syria and Lebanon that they need protection from their own compatriots — those who share their homeland, identity and fate. Accordingly, while Iran, which had long-standing and deep ties to the Assad regime, led efforts to overturn the shift in Syria from the coast (Latakia and Tartous) by stirring fear in the hearts of Alawite communities, Israel took the initiative in southern Syria (Quneitra, Deraa and Suwayda) by playing the Druze card. Drawing on old ties with their religious establishment that predate the founding of Israel in 1948, Tel Aviv reminded its local proxies of the 2015 Nusra Front massacre in the village of Qalb Lawzah in Idlib province, as well as the Daesh offensive in eastern Suwayda in 2018. Syria and its mosaic-like social fabric has long been a point of interest for Israeli expansionists, who see potential for exploitation Eyad Abu Shakra Finally, we have the Kurdish separatist project east of the Euphrates, a region home to major recourse and US geopolitical interests, as well as it being a battleground between Iran and Turkiye. Undoubtedly, the weaker Syria's central authority becomes, the greater the ambitions of Kurdish separatists, who reject Syria's Arab identity, oppose unity and are willing to make a deal with the devil to achieve their goal. I believe the current Syrian leadership is fully aware of the grave implications of everything outlined above. However, despite its unquestionably sincere intentions, the steps it has taken on the ground have, so far, fallen short. A transition from the logic of armed struggle to the logic of statehood is necessary, but it has not yet come. Unfortunately, one side continues to dominate decision-making and appointments and mistakes continue to be justified. Moreover, the grim legacy of the past 54 years has made its popular base seem content, at times, to remain silent in the face of human rights violations, or to even eagerly defend the indefensible, both morally and politically. This is especially concerning in light of the international scrutiny and regional conspiracies that the Syrian government has to deal with. The atrocities seen in the coastal region — and the fears, whether genuine or dubious, of similar events in the south — are unacceptable. They legitimize chaos and justify additional conspiracies. What we need is transitional justice, not retribution and revenge. Eyad Abu Shakra is managing editor of Asharq Al-Awsat, where this article was originally published. X: @eyad1949
