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Germany Arrests King Peter I, the Son of Man, the Messiah
Germany Arrests King Peter I, the Son of Man, the Messiah

Atlantic

time19-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Atlantic

Germany Arrests King Peter I, the Son of Man, the Messiah

Last week, Germany arrested Peter Fitzek, 59, an anti-government figure also known as King Peter I, the Son of Man, the Messiah. Historically, attempts to arrest messiahs have met with mixed results, so to stay on the safe side, the Interior Ministry not only rolled up Fitzek and three conspirators but also shut down his whole operation, known as the Kingdom of Germany. Subjects of King Peter deny the legitimacy of the Federal Republic of Germany and, over the past 13 years, have built up a counter-state with its own institutions. 'In Germany, just like in the rest of the world, we have a lot of problems,' Peter told me in 2023. 'These problems could not be solved in the old system, so we needed a completely new one.' A healer, a martial artist, and practitioner of dark arts, Peter has no royal lineage and instead takes his authority from the spiritual plane. The German government alleges that he ran unregulated financial systems, and they banned his group outright. Peter was born in East Germany in 1965. East Germany was poorer than the West then and remains so decades after unification, in 1989. Its failure to catch up economically has led to resentment by many easterners, who consider themselves neglected and forgotten. The far-right Alternative for Germany party, which now controls a quarter of the seats in the German Parliament, campaigned in the East on promises to increase the region's political power. The AfD lost and was officially accused of extremism. The center-left coalition that won is now cracking down on the broader movement of eccentric political discontents. Peter, it seems, was a familiar type of East German from that generation—too old to learn the ways of the new Germany, and too ambitious to be satisfied watching others succeed where he failed. According to a profile in Bloomberg Businessweek, Peter spent his early adulthood getting outwitted in business by West Germans, originally as the bilked investor in a slot-machine racket. When I met Peter two years ago, he had recently acquired a castle and invited me to join him there, in an annoyingly remote Saxon village called Eibenstock, near the Czech border. The journey took four hours from Berlin, and upon leaving the Autobahn and skidding around mountain roads, I began to appreciate the significance of the remoteness. Eibenstock is far from Germany's equivalent of coastal elites. It is like Montana or Idaho: You can do what you please, safe in the knowledge that few witnesses will see you doing it. It was quiet and empty with many private areas secluded by spruce and firs. I noticed a few tourists on a winter hike, and at the foot of the castle I had coffee at a tiny restaurant with the unimprovable name Goulash Cannon. Peter came into his castle's echoing, wood-paneled entryway, sporting a ponytail, pulled back tight and short, and wearing a monogrammed shirt with the words Kingdom of Germany in gold cursive on the breast. In this respect and others, he resembled Steven Seagal, another aging martial artist with delusions of divinity and grandeur. Peter then guided me to a sparsely furnished sitting room for my royal audience. He began, unbidden, by laying out proof that his kingship had been recognized internationally. This proof took the form of boarding passes that various airlines had honored, listing his name as 'Peter of Germany.' He had a 'Kingdom of Germany' passport that looked official enough, and had passed inspection, he said, at various borders. All of the airline documents I saw were from within the Schengen area, which means he could travel freely anyway. An airline agent had probably rolled his eyes and let him board his flight to Majorca. When I think of entities capable of conferring royal status, I do not think of Ryanair. His education, he said, began under the tutelage of a contract killer he met in 1989. The man understood spirituality, Peter said, and knew how to hypnotize people and take their money. Peter read up on magic, philosophy, religion, history, and finally law, before he concluded that there was an 'order to creation,' something beautiful and true, an existence freed of the corruption and disappointment of the Federal Republic of Germany. 'I slowly became aware that there is a Creator,' he told me, and that this Creator had endowed him with spiritual powers that proved his divine right to rule. 'I have sat as near to God as you sit to me right now,' he said. He determined that 'true Christianity has never existed,' and that he had been sent to establish it. He fell in love with a woman who could move objects with her mind and set them on fire; he spent time with holy men in India; he discovered cold fusion; Satanists detected his growing powers and sent assassins after him. 'I am lord of the spirits. I have an invisible army. I cannot be harmed.' At first, he said, he tried to improve German democracy by working within the system. 'Before I founded the Kingdom of Germany, I ran as a candidate for the Bundestag. I had previously talked to a lot of members of the Bundestag as well as members of the state parliament for many, many hours,' Peter told me. He said he saw how decisions were made—and how fruitless was any hope of changing a system that had grown beyond the ability of even the most patient citizen to affect. 'The system interlocks in others,' he said. 'It is a nested system, where you can't change individual segments because then they don't fit with the rest.' Foremost among his frustrations were the modern bureaucracies that seemed designed not to serve citizens and help them prosper but to frustrate and enslave them. 'The health system, the pension system, the monetary system, and the banks all have problems,' he told me. 'They cannot be solved in the system. So a new one has to be started.' He said he examined the law and found that the position of Kaiser, supposedly abolished, remained vacant. All it needed was a suitable claimant—and having been anointed by the Creator, he claimed legal succession in 2009. 'We had to claim this legal succession if we wanted to establish a new system throughout Germany and not do what the Allies, the Americans, imposed on us,' Peter said. Photos of his official coronation in 2012 show him in faux-ermine robes. 'We in the Kingdom of Germany take the view that there is a divine order of creation,' Peter said. 'The state should be a reflection of this order of creation, and should be a completely just society or community, like nothing hitherto seen on this planet.' He conducted seminars for his followers, to show off his and his fire-starter girlfriend's ability to leave their bodies, perform feats of physiological impossibility like slowing their heartbeats, and commune with the archangels Uriel and Metatron. To see this is to believe, he said. 'The Creator sent me here to be able to establish the Kingdom, and people can choose freely whether to join.' In 2016, the state imprisoned him for taking supporters' money in what appeared to be a totally unregulated banking scheme. An appeals court freed him after two years, and he insisted to me that his willingness to go to prison proved his divinity. 'Only someone who has been called by God does that.' Under Peter's watch, the Kingdom practiced a kind of primitive democracy, with—crucially—a banking and insurance system totally disconnected from that of the rest of the world. But the details of how Peter ran his kingdom are irrelevant, if colorful. He said the Kingdom will choose his successor by election. 'My son, for example, will not succeed me,' he told me, unless the young man exhibits supernatural powers like his father's and convinces other citizens of his eligibility. Peter had identified sources of frustration and indignity that might bother virtually any German: how one navigates banking, taxation, health care, law. People of much greater education and sophistication than Peter have found themselves at the mercy of these systems, and treated most heartlessly by them. Germans have a slang term, Überzwerg, which means 'head dwarf,' and refers to the petty tyrants in modern bureaucracies who ruin your day by demanding forms in triplicate and inflict other minor hassles that keep you from getting something as simple as a credit card issued or a cavity filled. Navigating modern, complex bureaucratic states is difficult but comes easier if you had an elite education in a big city—the Überzwerg s' natural environment. To people without this background, and who fail in business or politics in consequence, others' success may look like the result of magic, fraud, or conspiracy. Peter resorted to at least the first of these and probably all three. In his castle, he described spiritual warfare with ghosts and devils. Who is an Überzwerg but a devil sent to torment you—and in the cruelest way, by taking human form and swearing up and down that he is no devil at all, only the most mundane creature, with a nameplate on his desk and a time clock on his wall? And if you discover that you are living in a premodern, enchanted world, why not go all the way and declare yourself king by divine right? The direction our conversation took next was as predictable as it was repulsive. Peter's ultimate prescription to treat the diseased system of money and power was to get rid of the cabal of Satanic Jews that has taken over the world outside his Kingdom. He said he did not mind Jews per se but objected to the usurers and tricksters who start and encourage all the world's great wars, including Russia's invasion of Ukraine; who deny his status as their redeemer; and who are conspiring to steer us all to the apocalypse. Peter had my attention when he talked about pyrokinesis, and he had my sympathies when grousing about bureaucracy. But Jews run the world through a network of banks and Chabad houses is the most tired claim an extremist (especially a German one) can make. It was then that I lost interest and started thinking about whether the Goulash Cannon would still be loaded and ready to fire a late lunch into my face. On the way out the door, Peter stamped my passport with a Kingdom of Germany royal seal and signed it with a scribble: Peter I, Son of Man, Imperator.

How is Germany so weird yet so dull?
How is Germany so weird yet so dull?

Spectator

time16-05-2025

  • General
  • Spectator

How is Germany so weird yet so dull?

When I lived in Berlin a decade ago, I was struck by the contrast between the dullness of young Germans and the incredible weirdness of everything else. Only in German could the word for 'gums' (Zahnfleisch) mean 'toothflesh'. And only in fleisch-mad Germany (the word for 'meat' is the same as 'flesh', which is somehow incredibly disgusting) would people snack on raw pork, a dish known as mett. Mett, also known, rather curiously, as Hackepeter, is sometimes offered at buffets in the shape of a hedgehog (what else?) with raw onion spines. It simply doesn't get stranger. While musing on such things, I would cycle slowly around the bizarre gigantist ministries of the Nazi period near Checkpoint Charlie (itself a relic of a truly bonkers, menacing portion of the past), or past the Stasi headquarters in the almost mind-bendingly drab Lichtenberg. Or I'd drive down south with my then-boyfriend to Munich or Heidelberg and observe the particularly blood-curdling hedonism with which older West Germans took refreshment.

Görlitz: How a German city became a seismograph for far-right surge
Görlitz: How a German city became a seismograph for far-right surge

Local Germany

time14-03-2025

  • Politics
  • Local Germany

Görlitz: How a German city became a seismograph for far-right surge

On a square in Görlitz, a city close to the Polish border, signs in support of the anti-immigration party Alternative for Germany (AfD) were among those waved by the participants in a recent regular Monday night demo. Around 100 people joined the rally, whose organisers inveighed against political elites in Berlin, the imposition of Covid-era lockdowns and support for Ukraine against Russia. In a well-practised ritual, a police line separated the small rally from counter-protesters who played music, and displayed an LGBTQ flag and a sign reading: "Refugees welcome". Participating in the counter-demonstration was Görlitz native Liane Rabin, 51, who said people in the city felt "left behind" in the era of turbulent change after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. "We were suddenly pushed into a new form of society. The West Germans came here, they shut down the businesses, ruined them," she said. The counter-protesters are becoming a minority in Görlitz, a picturesque city that has served as the backdrop for Hollywood movies but has now become an AfD bastion. The party scored over 20 percent in national elections on February 23rd, achieving a near clean sweep of the constituencies of the former communist east. In the wider Görlitz district, the AfD's national co-leader and local candidate Tino Chrupalla won 48.9 percent of the vote -- a major boost for the former eurosceptic fringe that has set its sights on one day taking the highest office in Europe's top economy. 'Fundamental change' Waiting at a bus stop, out-of-work single father Falk Richter, 49, told AFP he thought immigration had driven the success of the AfD. "Politicians say that the foreigners should come here: there are so many jobs here, work is available," he said. He voiced admiration for Donald Trump and said the US president was right to put "America first". "I'm looking for work. Why don't Germans get jobs first?" The AfD's strong result has once more cast a spotlight on a region that lags in terms of jobs and wealth, more than 30 years after reunification with the west. Co-leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party Tino Chrupalla addresses supporters during an AfD election campaign event for Saxony's regional elections in Weisswasser, Saxony. Photo: Michaela Stache / AFP The strength of the far right in the east was "not a new phenomenon that we have suddenly noticed", said Görlitz's mayor Octavian Ursu, who is from the centre-right CDU party. "It has been the case for a long time, for years, that the AfD has achieved higher results." While the CDU and its CSU sister party topped the polls nationally under Germany's likely next chancellor Friedrich Merz, it was a distant second in Görlitz behind the AfD. The margin of the far right's victory "makes it clear that people trust others more than us", said the CDU's local candidate Florian Öst. Voters in the east "do not feel represented" by the government in Berlin and want a "fundamental change" to address their real-life concerns, Öst said. 'Positive alternatives' That included not just fears over immigration but the issues of "social justice... infrastructure and, above all, economic strength", the conservative said. Rail worker Frank Ruzicka said locals voted for the AfD out of frustration with the mainstream parties. "They think the CDU has achieved nothing, the Social Democrats (SPD) have achieved nothing. Let's vote for the AfD," the 63-year-old said. Although Ruzicka voted for Chancellor Olaf Scholz's SPD, he voiced concerns over shrinking public services, rising living costs and meagre pensions. "Things are getting worse instead of better." The head of the AfD's Görlitz district office, Hajo Exner, said that "voters no longer have belief. It's all just promises." "If the other parties don't really change course," then the AfD could win over 50 percent in the 2029 elections, Exner predicted. "The question for me is, of course, whether the country even has that much time left," he said. Ursu argued that the far right's improved national result "has a lot to do with the mood in the west", where the AfD also improved its score. The eastern regions, having endured massive upheaval in recent decades, were more "a kind of seismograph" for the political mood in Germany, the mayor said. "If you do not act quickly now and try to convince people that there are positive alternatives, you will not be able to change the results."

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