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Indian Express
11 hours ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
How India's disavowal of SCO statement signals a new realism in global politics
— Amit Kumar and John Harrison As the Israel-Iran conflict rages on, India has distanced itself from the statement issued by the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) last week, condemning Israel's military strikes on Iran. As one of the most influential members of the SCO, currently chaired by China, India dissociated itself from the statement and said it didn't even participate in the discussion. This diplomatic friction within the 10-member bloc is more than a technical disagreement. It poses a critical question: What does the SCO's statement criticising Israel reveal about China, and what does India's quick withdrawal from it indicate about global politics? The answer opens a window into the dynamics of rising powers, shifting alliances, and the strategic contest to control not just geography, but global narratives. At first glance, the SCO's intervention in the Israel-Iran conflict might seem like a bold assertion of a regional security body stepping up to global relevance. But the deeper context matters. The Israel-Iran relationship has long been defined by hostility, espionage, and proxy warfare. Israel's strikes on June 13, deep into Iranian territory, marked a dangerous escalation in a conflict that often teeters on the edge of a regional war. But why would the SCO – a forum traditionally focused on Central Asian stability and counterterrorism – involve itself in the conflict so visibly? The answer lies in the bloc's new composition, particularly the recent inclusion of Iran as a full member, and more fundamentally, in the growing centrality of China within it. What looks like a gesture of support for a fellow member is, more subtly, a reflection of the SCO's transformation into a geopolitical lever for Chinese diplomacy. By positioning the SCO as a moral counterbalance to Western-aligned military action, it looks like China is seeking to extend the SCO's relevance far beyond its founding mandate. This pivot also suggests that China is attempting to redefine the normative language of international conduct, one that seemingly aligns less with UN charters or US-led alliances and more with a China-centric worldview that selectively invokes sovereignty, non-intervention, and regional stability based on who benefits from the narrative. Behind the SCO's statement lies a bold, if underappreciated, strategy. China is no longer content to merely participate in global forums. It is repurposing them. By mobilising the SCO to speak collectively against Israel, China was not just defending Iran; rather it was testing a model of bloc-based legitimacy that could challenge Western diplomatic hegemony. The symbolism was potent – a group representing over 40 per cent of the world's population speaking in unison against a close US ally. This messaging also marks a subtle recalibration of China's non-interference doctrine. Beijing is no longer sitting on the fence when its strategic partners are involved. Whether by abstaining from condemning the October 7 Hamas attacks or by amplifying Iranian grievances through multilateral forums, China is beginning to act with strategic asymmetry. It remains non-confrontational with the West on its own borders, yet assertive when it comes to Western partners in volatile regions like West Asia. Such moves reveal China's attempt to build a moral alternative to US exceptionalism, not by mimicking Western institutions, but by gradually bending others, like the SCO, into ideological alignment. Through carefully orchestrated diplomatic theater, China is reshaping the perception of who holds the moral high ground, casting itself as a defender of sovereignty and stability against Western chaos. India's prompt disavowal of the SCO statement was neither accidental nor reactionary. It was a calibrated act of diplomatic insulation – a move designed to protect its carefully balanced relationships with both Iran and Israel, while also signalling its discomfort with China's dominance over the SCO's voice. In doing so, India reaffirmed a principle that is becoming the hallmark of its foreign policy in the multipolar age: alignment without entanglement. What makes India's move even more significant is its context within the global narrative competition. China may have tried to portray the SCO condemnation as reflective of a broader anti-Israel, implicitly anti-Western consensus, and India, had it stayed silent, would have been passively co-opted into that message. But India's refusal disrupted the choreography. It showed that multilateralism, in a world of self-confident middle powers, can no longer be orchestrated so easily. Moreover, India's action speaks to a subtle transformation in its global identity. It no longer sees itself as a bridge between East and West, nor as a swing state, but as a sovereign power center shaping its own trajectory in the global order. In distancing itself from the SCO statement, India is rather projecting a future in which it refuses to let other powers define its strategic posture, even within forums it has co-founded or supports. The incident reveals more than a disagreement between two members of a regional bloc. It exposes the tectonic shifts in global governance. China's attempt to manufacture a diplomatic consensus through the SCO is emblematic of a broader ambition. It seeks to build a non-Western geopolitical ecosystem where legitimacy flows from shared grievance, not shared values. In this system, countries like Iran find a voice not because of shared vision, but because of shared opposition to the US-led order. At the same time, India's dissent points to a new realism in global politics. Multipolarity is not about blocs competing with one another. It is about a growing number of states refusing to be defined by any bloc at all. India's stance implies that true global influence now depends on agility, narrative independence, and the ability to defy both Western and Eastern orthodoxy. If China's rise is defined by the repurposing of institutions like the SCO into ideological tools, India's ascent is marked by its refusal to be absorbed into any ideological project, not of its own making. This divergence in strategy, one building a club of allies, the other cultivating freedom of motion, may well define the contours of the coming global order. In trying to turn the SCO into a stage for its foreign policy theatre, China revealed both its growing capabilities and its limitations. While it may script the lines, not all actors will follow. India's silent refusal to play the part it was assigned shows that even in the age of emerging powers, autonomy, not alignment, remains the highest currency of diplomacy. India's disavowal of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation statement on Israel's attack against Iran reaffirmed a principle that is becoming the hallmark of its foreign policy in the multipolar age: alignment without entanglement. Comment. Critically examine the aims and objectives of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. What importance does it hold for India? By positioning the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation as a moral counterbalance to Western-aligned military action, is China seeking to extend the bloc's relevance far beyond its founding mandate? Multipolarity is not about blocs competing with one another. It is about a growing number of states refusing to be defined by any bloc at all. Explain with examples. Virus of Conflict is affecting the functioning of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation; In the light of the above statement point out the role of India in mitigating the problems. (Amit Kumar is a PhD candidate at the Birla Institute of Technology & Science, Pilani, Rajasthan, India. Dr. John Harrison is an Associate Professor at Rabdan Academy, specialising in homeland security.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
West Australian
16 hours ago
- Business
- West Australian
Everest-US Defence partnership opens funding for WA rubidium play
Everest Metals has secured a seat at a high-level table after being accepted onto the United States Department of Defence's (DoD) Defence Industrial Base Consortium, thanks to its Mt Edon rubidium project in Western Australia's Mid West region. Consortium membership will support Everest's research to advance its high-grade Mt Edon rubidium processing technology as the company bids to become Australia's first rubidium supplier. The consortium is managed by US-based Advanced Technology International. Membership opens the door to prototyping opportunities, streamlined contracts and direct collaboration with US defence initiatives. Management is confident Everest will gain access to non-dilutive DoD funding through its membership, which would allow it to capitalise on a red-hot critical minerals market and future strategic US alliances. The company says the development will supercharge Mt Edon, where a maiden inferred resource of 3.6 million tonnes at 0.22 per cent rubidium oxide holds more than 7900t of the scarce critical mineral. The real kicker for Everest is not the resource, but its patented direct rubidium extraction (DRE) technology, which has a staggering 97 per cent recovery rate. The company believes it can refine its technology with partners Edith Cowan University and the CSIRO, through a commercial pilot plant planned for next year. Everest has grant applications in with the Minerals Research Institute of Western Australia, which, added to consortium funding, gives management the confidence to scale up its pilot plant vision while reducing any reliance on shareholder capital. Rubidium is fetching a hefty US$1170 (A$1810) per kilogram for carbonate and is a linchpin for defence, aerospace and high-tech applications, including in night vision imaging, atomic clocks and medical sedatives. With global demand projected to soar from US$4.46 billion (A$6.9B) in 2023 to US$7.2B by 2032 and China's grip on supply tightening, Everest's Mt Edon project could be perfectly timed to meet US calls for a secure, Western-aligned rubidium source. The project's granted mining lease in the Paynes Find Greenstone Belt, 420 kilometres northeast of Perth, means the company has cleared another operational hurdle. Everest says shallow pegmatites start from surface at Mt Edon and are primed for an open-pit mining scenario. With a high-grade resource, proven extraction technology and a direct line to US defence priority spending, Everest is shaping up as a critical minerals frontrunner. The company will now gear up for its pilot plant development and further testwork, as it sorts through an array of non-dilutive funding opportunities in the global critical minerals landscape. Is your ASX-listed company doing something interesting? Contact:
Indian Express
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Sahel's strategic drift towards Russia
(From civil wars and insurgencies to ethnic tensions and resource-based disputes, Africa has long been a continent marked by conflicts, resulting in widespread instability and humanitarian crises. The region is also becoming a battleground for global power struggle. In the Conflicts in Africa series, our experts explore the root causes of major African conflicts and their impact on India's interests. They will also examine prospects for a peaceful future in the continent.) While US President Donald Trump 's tariffs are resetting the global trading order, Africa is recalibrating its alliance with the West to move closer to Russia. In recent years, the Sahel region experienced deterioration in the security situation caused by the dwindling presence of the US and France. Capitalising in this shift, Russia has expanded its influence with the countries in the Sahel – the vast expanse south of the Sahara Desert. Earlier this month, the foreign ministers of the three West African junta-led countries – Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger – travelled to Moscow and met with the Russian Foreign Affairs Minister Sergei Lavrov. The meeting was aimed at establishing strategic relations in areas of common interest. Following the meeting, Russia expressed its readiness to help strengthen the military and security forces of the three countries. But how did this drift begin? What factors have led to the weakening of US and French influence in the Sahel region? Why are three African nations seeking closer military ties with Russia? Let's understand. Sahel's drift into Russian orbit Sahel is drifting into the Russian orbit, partly by choice. However, the choice of Russia as the preferred external partner for the Sahel is not difficult to grasp. The three West African nations, where coups in recent years brought juntas to power, formed a body called the Alliance of Sahel States or L'Alliance des États du Sahel (AES) in September 2023. The announcement of the alliance took place in the presence of a Russian delegation led by Deputy Defence Minister Yunus-Bek Yevkurov. Russia is the first country to recognise the AES with the promise of security cooperation. From the beginning, the Alliance was poised to be more than just a security or military agreement. In early 2024, the AES countries upgraded their security alliance to a confederation. Since then, the confederation has taken several bold steps to redefine its international alignment, including withdrawals from several neutral or Western-aligned regional political and security institutions. In early 2025, the AES formally withdrew from the West African political and economic bloc ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States). The AES countries also left security alliances, such as the Sahel G5 and Multinational Joint Task Force in the Lake Chad Basin, which are two African Union, UN, and Western-backed military missions meant to combat Salafi-jihadi terrorism. The disengagement hints at the AES countries' disenchantment with Western-led security frameworks, including the ones anchored by France. France's military presence in Africa Since the 1960s, France has sustained close ties with the French-speaking countries of the region, positioning itself as the principal security provider. This historic tie has translated into a series of military interventions aimed at stabilising the region. In 2013, France launched a military intervention known as Operation Serval, aimed at addressing the growing threat of Islamist militancy in Mali. This operation was succeeded in 2014 by a more extensive and long-term initiative, Operation Barkhane, which expanded the scope of French military engagement across the broader Sahel region. However, France has recently faced violent protests in all three AES countries as well as other francophone countries in the region. Facing fierce public animosity, France was forced to withdraw its troops from the AES countries, followed by neighbouring Chad, Senegal and Côte d'Ivoire. Today, France has only two military bases in Africa: Gabon and Djibouti. Meanwhile, modest security assistance provided by the US as part of its trans-Sahara counterterrorism policy tool proved inadequate in the conflict-ridden Sahel region. How Sahel's shift towards Russia gained momentum This rapidly deteriorating security situation in the Sahel, caused by the US and France's dwindling presence there, has made room for several new players, notably Russia. Many countries in the region continue to nurture a soft spot for Russia, recalling how the Soviet Union supported their liberation struggle. The three regimes had already broadly coordinated their diplomatic activity in line with their anti-Western outlooks. They emphasised the need to speak with 'one voice,' The AES states have coordinated other major efforts to integrate in the last year, such as a united passport, joint tariffs, and a joint force to address the Salafi-jihadi insurgency that has spread across all three countries. However, the recent joint visit marks another step in the bloc's efforts to form a true multi-sectoral confederation that aims to coordinate diplomatic, economic, and military policies. It is also the bloc's highest-ever level of joint diplomatic engagement with an external partner, in this case, Russia. African NATO in the making? With its focus on collective defence and a framework of mutual assistance, the AES is increasingly aligning itself with the characteristics of an 'African NATO'. In the future, with Russian support, AES may consider inviting nations to be observers and conducting joint military and counterterrorism simulation exercises to promote unity that can build a non-western regional security partnership. Further, the AES may potentially draw many other countries of the region into Russia's sphere of influence. For example, Chad and Togo expressed their interest in joining the AES to enhance regional cooperation and provide maritime access to the landlocked Sahel countries. In May 2024, Chad and Togo participated in joint military exercises with the AES. In November, Chad annulled its defence agreements with France followed by the Russian pledge to provide the country with an alternative security partnership. And French troops completed their withdrawal from Chad by the end of January 2025. Similarly, in February 2025, Sudan and Russia reached a preliminary agreement to revive a stalled 2017 deal that would allow Russia to establish a naval base on Sudan's Red Sea coast, following Russia's commitment to provide 'unrestricted military aid' to the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) in April 2024. Earlier, in June 2024, leaders of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) visited Mali and Niger. As these nations increasingly align with the AES, their ties with Russia are also deepening. Notably, this growing alignment also represents a challenge for China. Geopolitical realignments: AES targets China The AES juntas have specifically targeted China in their pro-sovereignty campaign against international mining interests, expanding the scope of this campaign to include not only Western companies but also Chinese entities. On March 15, 2025, Niger's military junta expelled three Chinese oil executives, reportedly due to disputes over wage discrepancies for local Nigerien staff and delays in Chinese-led oil projects. Additionally, the Nigerien Ministry of Tourism revoked the operating license of a Chinese-owned hotel in Niamey, citing allegations of discriminatory practices. China has been a significant player in Niger's oil sector since the 2008 signing of a joint petroleum production agreement, holding substantial stakes in Niger's largest oil field, its sole refinery, and the Niger-Benin oil pipeline, which was completed in 2023. The growing tendency of resource nationalism suggests that these countries seek more favourable terms in mining agreements. As the competition between the US and China over influence in Africa intensifies, with both powers seeking increasingly deeper ties with the continent, the re-emergence of Russia provides these junta governments with an opportunity to balance their relations while reshaping the trajectory of their foreign policy. On the other hand, Russia's strengthened ties with African countries would enable the Kremlin to consolidate its influence and secure its interests. The nature of this interdependence is palpable in the burgeoning partnership between the Sahelian military governments and Russia. Post Read Questions Evaluate the factors that enable Russia to emerge as a balancing force between US and Chinese influence in Africa? What are reasons behind Africa's growing disenchantment with the West as well as China? How could this potentially shape India-Africa partnership? What are the implications of this foreign policy recalibration for Africa's long-term development and security? Could the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) emerge as a credible alternative to Western-backed security coalitions in Africa?
Yahoo
24-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
MP Materials Corp. (MP): A Bull Case Theory
We came across a bullish thesis on MP Materials Corp. (MP) on wallstreetbets Subreddit Page by Steve_Zissouu. In this article, we will summarize the bulls' thesis on MP. MP Materials Corp. (MP)'s share was trading at $23.19 as of April 21st. MP's trailing and forward P/E were 20.97 and 24.10 respectively according to Yahoo Finance. The mining industry is entering a pivotal moment, with a unique opportunity emerging as the U.S. government intensifies efforts to secure domestic access to critical minerals like titanium, lithium, and rare earths. This window of opportunity, which aligns with the current administration's strategic priorities, is particularly promising for companies operating within U.S. borders and allied interests. A central player in this unfolding narrative is MP Materials, the only vertically integrated rare earth mining and processing company in the United States. In a major move, MP Materials announced it has ceased shipments of rare earth concentrate to China, citing retaliatory tariffs and national interest. This development is not only a symbolic decoupling from Chinese dependency but also a practical demonstration of the company's increasing self-sufficiency. MP Materials has invested nearly $1 billion to restore a fully domestic rare earth supply chain, with its California refinery already processing half of its production and selling it to non-Chinese markets such as Japan, South Korea, and the U.S. This step underscores MP's operational readiness to pivot entirely away from China and aligns perfectly with a national agenda prioritizing secure, domestic sourcing of critical materials. Reinforcing this shift is the Biden administration's recent directive under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act, mandating an investigation into critical mineral imports and their impact on national security. The investigation aims to uncover vulnerabilities, assess foreign market manipulation—primarily by China—and recommend trade remedies that could include tariffs and other import controls. This initiative is a strong signal that the administration is committed to reshoring supply chains and protecting strategic sectors, making domestic players like MP Materials prime beneficiaries. The administration's actions further support the idea that purchasing agreements or government-backed contracts may be implemented to stabilize and accelerate domestic production capabilities. Adding another layer of momentum is a forthcoming U.S.-Ukraine minerals deal, expected to be signed around April 26. The agreement, likely to focus on securing Ukrainian mineral resources for U.S. refining, could provide MP Materials with a significant supply stream to process domestically, enhancing its role in a Western-aligned mineral supply chain. The convergence of these developments—the end of Chinese shipments, regulatory support for domestic resilience, and international sourcing partnerships—places MP Materials at the epicenter of a rapidly evolving critical minerals strategy. While market volatility is expected in the short term, the strategic and structural shifts underway point to upside for investors focused on geopolitically secure, government-supported mining and materials processing in the U.S. MP Materials Corp. (MP) is not on our list of the 30 Most Popular Stocks Among Hedge Funds. As per our database, 33 hedge fund portfolios held MP at the end of the fourth quarter which was 27 in the previous quarter. While we acknowledge the risk and potential of MP as an investment, our conviction lies in the belief that some AI stocks hold greater promise for delivering higher returns, and doing so within a shorter timeframe. If you are looking for an AI stock that is more promising than MP but that trades at less than 5 times its earnings, check out our report about the cheapest AI stock. READ NEXT: 8 Best Wide Moat Stocks to Buy Now and 30 Most Important AI Stocks According to BlackRock. Disclosure: None. This article was originally published at Insider Monkey.
Russia Today
12-03-2025
- Politics
- Russia Today
Lavrov comments on Kiev's ‘cheating'
Moscow has ample reasons to distrust Ukraine and its Western backers given their history of broken promises, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has said. He accused Kiev of consistently undermining its own interests with each act of 'cheating.' Russia has 'burned [its] fingers' many times dealing with the West, Lavrov said in an interview with podcasters Mario Nawfal, Larry Johnson, and Andrew Napolitano published on Wednesday. He stated that the Ukraine crisis could be traced back to at least 2004, when the country's constitutional court 'expanded, without any right, the constitutional procedures' and ordered a third round in a presidential election, resulting in a victory for a Western-aligned candidate. The 2014 Western-backed coup in Kiev, the Minsk agreements, and the 2022 Istanbul peace talks between Russia and Ukraine were also examples of missed opportunities, Lavrov added. 'Had they [Ukrainians] been cooperative and had they delivered on their own initiative, they would still have 1991 borders, minus Crimea, minus some part of Donbass. Every time they cheat, they lose,' the minister stated. The Turkish-mediated draft truce in 2022 would have transformed Ukraine into a neutral state with some territorial concessions. However, then-British Prime Minister Boris Johnson told Kiev 'don't do it, continue to fight,' Lavrov said. Following talks between Washington and Kiev on Tuesday, US President Donald Trump said Russia's reaction to his proposal of a 30-day ceasefire would inform him on whether Moscow genuinely wants peace. Lavrov, however, noted that Ukrainian leader Vladimir Zelensky had received a hero's welcome in the UK after his clash with Trump at the White House last month. 'It's an indication that they want to raise the stakes and they are preparing something to pressure the Donald Trump administration back into some aggressive action against Russia,' Lavrov said. Moscow will not compromise on 'the fate of the Russian people,' he added, referring to Russian citizens and ethnic Russians in Ukraine. Lavrov criticized the proposals by several European countries, including the UK and France, to deploy a 'peacekeeping force' in Ukraine. 'If NATO expansion is recognized – at least by Donald Trump – as one of the root causes [of the conflict], then the presence of the troops from NATO countries under any flag, in any capacity, on Ukrainian soil is the same threat,' he warned.
