Latest news with #WestminsterParliament
Morocco World
2 days ago
- Business
- Morocco World
David Lammy Hammers Home Morocco's Autonomy Plan Before UK Parliament
Doha – British Foreign Minister David Lammy forcefully confirmed the United Kingdom's support for Morocco's Autonomy Plan during today's address to the House of Commons, declaring it 'the most credible, viable and pragmatic basis for resolving the conflict' over the Western Sahara. This parliamentary statement reinforced his groundbreaking position already announced during his weekend visit to Rabat. 'During my visit to Morocco, I announced the United Kingdom's support for the autonomy proposal presented by Morocco, considering it the most credible, viable and pragmatic basis for a solution to the conflict,' Lammy proclaimed to members of the lower house of Westminster Parliament. The British diplomatic chief spotlighted the urgent need for resolution as the dispute approaches a half-century milestone. 'As we approach the 50th anniversary of the conflict, and with renewed international engagement, an opportunity presents itself to move things forward in this conflict,' he asserted. During his historic visit to Morocco on Sunday – the first by a British foreign minister since 2011 – Lammy had already shattered diplomatic ambiguity by explicitly backing Morocco's position. According to the Financial Times, this represented 'a pure and simple recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the Sahara,' marking a pragmatic decision aligned with Britain's 'progressive realism' in foreign policy. During his address to MPs, Lammy stressed the strategic importance London places on strengthening ties with Morocco, characterizing the two kingdoms as 'longstanding partners collaborating on various common priorities.' He noted that Rabat and London are actively elevating their partnership 'to promote our common goals in security, prosperity, and sustainable development.' Britain dismantles Algeria's separatist theatre This unequivocal British stance deals a devastating blow to the Polisario Front's fabricated separatist agenda and brutally exposes the futility of Algeria's decades-long, hostile crusade to sabotage Morocco's sovereignty. The backing from a permanent UN Security Council member further isolates the increasingly desperate Algerian regime, which has stubbornly clung to its failed proxy war strategy. Algeria's reaction betrayed its diplomatic panic. The regime hastily issued a flimsy statement claiming to have 'taken note' of Britain's new position while 'regretting the UK's choice to support Morocco's Autonomy Plan.' In a transparent attempt to distort reality, Algerian officials brazenly misrepresented Lammy's statements, falsely claiming he had made declarations supporting self-determination during the press conference – a blatant fabrication contradicted by the official Moroccan-British joint press statement. The Algerian foreign ministry's desperate attempt to denounce the 'emptiness' of Morocco's autonomy initiative rings hollow, as the plan now enjoys support from a commanding majority of the international community. Global momentum crushes Polisario delusion Algeria's obstinate refusal to recognize diplomatic reality shows its growing isolation as a destabilizing force, desperately throwing billions in gas revenues at a hollow, outdated fantasy – an antiquated separatist chimera disconnected from 21st-century geopolitical realities and one that no longer holds any weight. As if the UK's endorsement weren't enough, Kenya's recent shift in favor of Morocco's position delivers yet another seismic diplomatic strike against Algeria in a remarkably short timeframe. This accelerating avalanche of international support against the separatist agenda confirms the growing global consensus that Morocco's Autonomy Plan is the only credible and forward-looking solution. London's position aligns perfectly with its economic interests in the region. Trade between the two kingdoms has exploded, with commercial exchanges reaching £3.8 billion and growing from MAD 22.9 billion in 2022 to a staggering MAD 48.5 billion in 2024. Morocco's exports to Britain have nearly tripled since their association agreement took effect. During the 5th Strategic Dialogue session held during Lammy's visit to Rabat, both sides signed several memorandums of understanding covering priority areas including migration, counter-terrorism, education, climate change, health, and infrastructure development. Lammy reaffirmed both countries' commitment to an international order based on fundamental UN Charter principles, emphasizing 'the importance of respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States.' Beyond diplomatic support, the UK has committed substantial financial firepower to the region. UK Export Finance has received the green light to back projects directly in Western Sahara, mobilizing £5 billion to support economic initiatives throughout Morocco, including its southern provinces. The UK also views Morocco as a crucial energy partner through the ambitious X-Links mega-project, designed to supply 7 million British households with clean solar electricity from a Guelmim power plant via a massive 3,800 km undersea cable. With France, Spain, and now the United Kingdom – all European powers historically entangled in the region – firmly backing Morocco's position, the Polisario Front's separatist delusion continues to crumble while Algeria's misguided regional hegemonic ambitions face catastrophic collapse. Read also: UK's Support: New Turning Point in Morocco's Race to End Western Sahara Dispute Tags: Autonomy Plan for the SaharaMorocco UK relationsWestern sahara
The National
04-05-2025
- Politics
- The National
Scotland needs control of immigration – but the UK refuses to let go
The latest politico to take up that mantle was SNP MP Stephen Gethins who recently introduced a brief bill which would have devolved migration. He acknowledged throughout his opening speech that it would need essential amending from many quarters at the third reading. A reading it will never now get thanks to the whole shebang being talked out by a raft of MPs who get a nosebleed should they travel too far north of Watford. Even Michael Gove admitted the need to involve Scotland at the sharp end of any migration legislation. Then again, he's the kind of guy – about to be a Lord – who makes you want to look out the window and check if he says it's raining. READ MORE: John Swinney urges UK's biggest news agency to reconsider Scottish job cuts However, he was quoted by Gethins as saying: 'The numbers who would come in the future would be decided by the Westminster Parliament and the Holyrood Parliament working together.' Sure, Michael, sure. Most of the English MPs throughout the exchanges seemed to be fretting that if we gave out Scottish visas, the recipients would scarper elsewhere asap. Maybe they should have read up on the existing safeguards. Always tricky moving the lips before the brain is safely engaged. For starters, getting a work visa means the taxman knows not just where you bide, but who your employer is. Take up a job not on the paperwork and among the things instantly lost is that precious right to work. While the UK Government obsesses over small boat numbers they ignore arrival patterns. It's what happens when you spend too much time in the arms of the Daily Mail! Our history, sadly, is of outward migration, whereas both England and Wales have always had more people coming in. It's only since the beginning of this century we have enjoyed welcoming new citizens, but not in the numbers we need to address the fact that every year more people die than are born. And not in the age group which produces more Scots. As our own government noted: 'Migration is only one strand in the approach to addressing Scotland's demographic challenge, but it is a crucial one. Scotland's history of out-migration and population decline has left a structural legacy. (Image: PA) 'Communities, especially rural communities, did not just lose those individuals who left Scotland but also the potential future generations of their children and grandchildren. This legacy means that Scotland has long been more reliant on migration than many other areas of the United Kingdom.' As our Tourism Alliance notes: 'Introducing a Scottish specific visa scheme not only would match immigration to the demand for certain skills' – as it has done for centuries – 'but also encourage more people coming to live and work in Scotland, particularly in rural and island communities that are experiencing a drain in people of working age and families.' Try telling any of that to the bean counters, however, both in the UK Government and the increasingly shrill right-wing media. The unpalatable fact is that our working-age population will fall by almost 15% over the next 50 years whilst the UK as a whole will have a modest increase. Brutally, we need more young families, more working taxpayers, more innovating entrepreneurs, and a smaller percentage in 'god's waiting room.' You will not need me to remind you that the latter cohorts are also the most stubborn Unionists. Plus, historically, migrants to Scotland have contributed way more than they cost the public services. Perhaps you recall the Fresh Talent Initiative where graduate students could live and work in Scotland for a couple of years after getting their degree. It ran for three years till 2008 and was such a runaway success that Westminster nicked it. Now the Scottish Government proposes a Scottish graduate visa, linked to a Scottish tax code to ensure that the recipient continues to live and work here. They want to price it at a realistic level too, given that few shiny new graduates walk into very high-paying employment. Conversely, everything the Tory government did from the loopy Rwanda scheme to halting family and spouse visas has impacted in all the wrong ways. Last November the Home Office noted (with pride, mind you) that compared with the same period in 2023 there had been a startling 84% drop in visas issued to health and care workers. You will probably have clocked that these are two sectors that are desperately and usually vainly trying to recruit already trained staff and who, certainly in care work, attract dismal wages for vital work. Similarly, it has become much more difficult to hire foreign skilled workers because a) they now might have to leave spouse and family behind and b) at the moment they require an unlikely salary level. As a result of all of these unnatural barriers, the EU-UK traffic has ground to a halt, with EU residents, understandably, feeling something less than valued. All of these anti-migrant initiatives have impacted the rural economy, particularly in Scotland, on our seasonal industries, and on our higher education sector which is on its financial knees all over the country. The gap caused by giving our own weans free tuition was offset to an extent by a lucrative seam of foreign students. Since migration has become an all-purpose dirty word in some political circles, other countries like India, Australia and the USA have not been slow to take up the slack. Another oddity of the migration debate is folks who have never encountered a migrant in their puff, pronouncing that the immigration numbers are way too high. I get that if you're living somewhere bordering the English Channel and are fearful of added pressure on public services, but the same paranoia seems to infect people never likely to be affected. It is fervently to be hoped that with Reform breathing down the back of so many necks, the issue does not become – in the current jargon – 'weaponised' in the run-up to our own election. If we've learned anything in the last few years, it's that Farage and Co are the very last people who should be left in charge of migration policy, or allowed to have undue influence on those who are. So, bottom line, we are growing the pensioner population but not the working-age one, new Scots liable to have and raise their kids here. We have income barriers which are higher than any of our young graduates are likely to attain from the off. Furthermore, the Gethins bill, strangled at birth, was only trying to follow a path already trodden in other countries like Canada, our new bestie, Australia and several more. They too recognise the need to resist a 'one-size-fits-all solution'. The UK system, as currently used, is bureaucratic, unwieldy, and too tightly focused on income levels rather than the skills variety. The USA for instance has just introduced a gold card route which lets more millionaires and billionaires avoid the tedious business of actually applying for entry to Trumpland. They have also let loose a goon squad of folk whose job it is to hoover up legitimate incomers who may have committed the unpardonable sin of getting the 'wrong' kind of tattoo. The UK Home Secretary, for now at least, only has plans to outsource some asylum claimants to the Balkans. If you feel a wee shiver travelling up your spine, you are not alone.
BBC News
14-04-2025
- Business
- BBC News
Why not nationalise Grangemouth after British Steel takeover?
The Scottish government has tended to shy away from calls to nationalise. It carries the weighty memories of the 1970s, when nationalisation got a bad name, for loss-making, poor productivity and poor times have changed, in many ways. It is not just that memories of the seventies have faded like a cheesecloth shirt, but that countries are now in the business of protecting strategic leaders are now hauling in supply chains that have adapted to stretch around the world and now look vulnerable to the whims of foreign leaders and the realignment of big power response to international competition, relying on increased productivity is proving ever more difficult to jobs is politically more contentious, and the rising demand for a coherent defence industry at or close to home has exposed gaping holes where supply lines ought to in the drive towards replacement of oil and gas by greener energies, they recognise the role of the state is vital in making that more regulation and price signals from carbon to energy may not be enough to cut it. So the leftist dream of taking ownership of the commanding heights of the economy do not look so dangerously how even the Reform UK party swung behind near-nationalisation of the Scunthorpe steel works, with a special session of the Westminster Parliament on Saturday. That has been followed by Chinese owners being frozen out and new bosses appointed by Whitehall ministers, with instructions to source the materials needed to keep Scunthorpe's blast furnaces Scunthorpe in particular? And why not other strategic assets? The SNP at Westminster, now backed by the first minister, John Swinney, believe the oil refinery at Grangemouth should also be nationalised, because it's a strategic economic practicalities of making steel require that the system runs hot, and when the initial iron-making process is allowed to cool down, it is difficult or impossible to restart. Hence the speed of response when ministers discovered that the plant's Chinese owners were not stocking up the materials Lincolnshire plant is the only plant in the UK that can still make steel from its raw materials. Other steel plants have closed, including Redcar ten years ago. In the case of Port Talbot in Wales, the process was shut down last year, for adaptation to run new furnaces to recycle steel, using a far smaller metal can have a lower carbon footprint. But in general, it's not as high quality, when reliable strength is required for new rail lines, construction and the defence industry. Much is made by the UK government of the risk that Britain could become the only member of the G7 group of large market economies that does not have its own virgin steel production. A few years ago, with globalisation still on the rise, that might not have mattered. It does has two similarities. One is that it has Chinese owners. PetroChina has a 50% stake, the other half held by argument for taking over Scunthorpe is that Chinese owners have an interest in making the UK dependent on imports, when China has the biggest over-supply for exports in the argument can also be made that it could be in the strategic interests of an unfriendly China that the UK lacks oil refining capacity and has to rely on imports. But as China is a net importer of oil and gas, it's less obvious that China gains from other similarity is that both industries are going through a difficult transition. The steel industry is a notoriously big polluter. The product will still be needed in future, so either it switches to cleaner electricity or its carbon output is offset. Neither is simple. Oil will also be needed in future, but much less of it. The rundown of oil refining is in line with UK and Scottish government policies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, both in the refining process and in the subsequent burning of oil UK will still has five refineries. Grangemouth is the oldest in Britain and needed a lot of investment to keep it going as an oil instead of shutting it down, the PetroIneos partnership has a plan - first, to use the site as an import terminal to retain the flow of oil to transport, industry and home heating across much of Scotland and the north of England. and after a long wait, to use the site for next generation Willow, co-funded by the UK and Scottish governments, recently gave some shape to the kind of work that could be done there, including biofuels and carbon owners and the government are aligned on that plan. So nationalisation is not necessary to make it change, or to make it happen. The key difference between the Scottish government and PetroIneos is the timescale for shutting down the oil refinery, and whether the workforce can be a bridge between the old and new commit to the next stage, with the scale of investment required for Grangemouth to implement parts of Project Willow, would be a significant drain on limited capital funds in government budgets, for many years to come. The private sector would argue that they could be more efficiently sourced through private finance remains a challenge for governments to keep private companies on track for the commitments they make to renew strategic economic assets. Others include ports and airports, as well as roads, schools and hospitals built with private finance and leased back to the public sector.A significant commitment of funding towards that can help keep such projects on track. And while refusing to acknowledge similarities between Scunthorpe and Grangemouth and the SNP case for nationalisation, that promise of funding is where the UK government is making its stand.
