Latest news with #Wisner
Yahoo
14-05-2025
- Sport
- Yahoo
Greg McElroy Reveals Running Back Ranking for Texas Standout Tre Wisner
The Texas Longhorns' running back room hit a roadblock before the 2024 season even started. After a breakout campaign in 2023, CJ Baxter was the expected starter, but he suffered a season-ending LCL and PCL tear on Aug. 7. Texas needed someone to step up and fill in for Baxter's production. Advertisement In stepped Tre Wisner, who led the Longhorns with 1,064 rushing yards and five touchdowns last season. On a recent edition of "Always College Football," Greg McElroy ranked Wisner as the No. 7 running back in college football. McElroy is excited to see how the Texas backfield looks with both Wisner and Baxter back for 2025. Texas Longhorns running back Quintrevion Wisner (26). Sara Diggins/American-Statesman / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images "Baxter gets hurt in the preseason," McElroy said. "Jaydon Blue, early in the season, was struggling, putting the ball on the deck. So, ball security was a bit of an issue, which means Wisner finally gets his chance, and sure enough, it was an outstanding season nonetheless. If you look at the game against A&M, that's where he kind of catapulted into becoming a household name outside of Austin, Texas." Advertisement Wisner was a member of the 2023 class and a former four-star prospect in the On3 Industry Rankings. As a true freshman, he spent most of his playing time on special teams, appearing in 14 games. Fast-forward to last season, and Wisner had a breakout year. He played in 15 games with 12 starts at running back. Texas is coming off a 2024 campaign in which it finished 11-1 in the regular season, qualified for the SEC Championship Game, and was the No. 5 seed in the College Football Playoff. The Longhorns lost to the Georgia Bulldogs in the conference championship but reached the semifinal round of the playoff, losing to the eventual national champions, the Ohio State Buckeyes, 28-14. Texas opens the 2025 season against Ohio State on Aug. 30. Related: Texas Named Finalist For Elite College Football Prospect on Tuesday
The Guardian
12-04-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
The Determined Spy: Frank Wisner, the CIA and a covert career cut short
Frank Wisner was a leading light of the early CIA, a director of clandestine operations who came of age in the second world war then fought the cold war by fair means or foul, from funding American cultural outreach to orchestrating coups in Iran and Guatemala. Before becoming a biographer, Douglas Waller reported for Newsweek and Time. His new book, The Determined Spy, is about Wisner, a man who lived an extraordinary life but came to be buried at Arlington national cemetery, under a simple headstone, identified merely as a commander in the US naval reserve. 'I've always gravitated toward controversial characters,' Waller said. 'People who had loyal followings and charisma, and just as many people who hated them, who even considered them evil.' 'The first was 'Wild Bill' Donovan, who headed up Franklin Roosevelt's spy service, the Office of Strategic Services. He was charismatic, his agents revered him, but there were people in the Pentagon and even the state department who thought he was as evil as Hitler. I recall during that time running across Wisner among hundreds of OSS officers and thinking: 'Gee, this is kind of an interesting guy.' What little I had on him, I put in my stories file, and thought: 'Well, I'll get back to him.' 'The next book I wrote was Disciples, an ensemble biography of [CIA leaders] Allen Dulles, Richard Helms, Bill Colby and Bill Casey. And again, I ran across Wisner, particularly when he was working for Dulles in Germany after the war, in charge of 200 operatives. And I talked at that point to Wisner's oldest son, Frank Wisner II.' Wisner II, who died in February, aged 86, did not just look like his father. He also carved out a high-level government career, as ambassador to Zambia, the Philippines, Egypt and India, and US envoy to Kosovo. 'This is the first time the family opened up,' Waller said. 'They made all the material available. Wisner's personal papers are at the University of Virginia. His middle son, Ellis Wisner, provided a lot, particularly medical material, stuff that hadn't been released. 'Frank Wisner II had gotten declassified material from the CIA that he turned over to me, which was a big help. With the three sons – Graham Wisner is unfortunately deceased too – I spent probably 50 hours on interviews about their father. There were some very painful sessions. His death was quite a blow.' Wisner was 56 when, in October 1965, he killed himself. It was the awful culmination of a long struggle that saw Wisner committed to a psychiatric hospital in 1958. He experienced bipolar disorder, little understood in his time. Psychiatrists gave Waller 'a whole stack of reading to do, to get a sense of how bipolar disorder can evolve, and a lot of the myths behind it'. Waller 'tried to accurately portray the shock Wisner's suicide was for everybody. 'Ellis Wisner told me he thought that maybe his father, at the very end, was debating whether or not to kill himself, by the fact that he went to the family farm [in Maryland], he got his work clothes on. 'But when you read the scientific literature, you find that this is a normal way that suicide can play out, that the disease can be so unrelenting, so oppressive, that suicide seems the only option, and the person about to commit it becomes almost at peace with himself, with how his life is going to end. That's what you saw with Wisner … the symptoms for this disease, if untreated, can be so relentless.' So could Wisner, in work, family life and intense socializing with the Georgetown set, a hard-drinking group of government officials and journalists, among them Phil Graham, a publisher of the Washington Post 'People confused that side of Wisner with the manic depression,' Waller said. 'A world war two buddy wondered whether Wisner's deep hatred of the Russians was part of his disease. But the Russians gave him a lot to hate in their takeover of eastern Europe. He was ahead of the US government when he was posted in Romania [during the second world war], in terms of warning that the next enemy was going to be the Soviet Union, which at that time was an ally. 'There's parts in the book where you see even Donovan worried about Wisner having to dial it back. He wasn't a religious man but he took his own role in history very, very seriously. And eventually, I think you see the country coming up to where his view is, and viewing the Russians as an existential threat. You have to see yourself in that period, in 1950 or so, when Americans firmly believe the Russians are bent on world domination. The Pentagon even picked out a day they thought the Soviets might invade western Europe: 1 July 1952. Nothing happened, but the paranoia which Wisner felt, at the tip of the spear? It existed.' Turned inward, that paranoia fueled the red scare, anti-communist witch-hunts led by Joe McCarthy, the Wisconsin Republican senator now on many minds as Donald Trump purges the federal government. 'Wisner had a view on the red scare,' Waller said. 'He saw a huge threat of communism, but it was outside communism, Russian communism, not the Communist party in the US. He didn't think much of that. He thought guys like McCarthy were really barking up the wrong tree.' Wisner was surveilled himself, by J Edgar Hoover's FBI. Suspicions largely arose from a wartime affair with a Romanian princess, one of many parts of Wisner's story that seem stranger than fiction, or at least evoke novels by Graham Greene or Ian Fleming, who was Wisner's friend in London. Waller notes the immense human cost of Wisner's efforts to topple elected leaders in Iran and Guatemala, in 1953 and 1954. He also describes CIA failures, many in eastern Europe and notably in Hungary in 1956, when Russia crushed an uprising. Few think Wisner broke down due to guilt over Iran and Guatemala. Some think Hungary broke him. Waller does not. Wisner's illness was powerful enough on its own. Sign up to First Thing Our US morning briefing breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what's happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion By the time of the Bay of Pigs, the fiasco in Cuba under John F Kennedy in 1961, Wisner was out of hospital but also out of the mainstream, in a softer role in London. Waller said Wisner's work before his breakdown should all be seen in context: 'The popular view is that the CIA are rogue actors, hatching these coups in the dark without anybody in the US government really knowing about it – which is a bunch of baloney. [Harry] Truman knew full well about what [under Wisner] was blandly called the office of policy coordination, which eventually became 6,000 men and women involved in clandestine operations worldwide. [Dwight] Eisenhower … was more than eager to point the CIA and Wisner's forces toward third-world targets. The Eisenhower view was you're either for the US or against it. What was happening was exactly what the White House wanted.' Sometimes, the White House wanted even shadier work. Nazis and Nazi sympathizers were recruited to the anti-communist cause. Waller said: 'The whole issue of working with Nazis wasn't as bad as has been portrayed, and it wasn't as good as has been portrayed. There were a handful of Nazis they brought in to the US. They worked with a lot more overseas. But Wisner was always a diehard anti-Nazi.' Waller keeps an eye on current events. As the war in Ukraine drags on, Trump not having delivered peace as promised, the US president's attitudes toward Russia and Vladimir Putin are in perpetual question. 'We are now in the middle of the second cold war against the Russians,' Waller said. 'Wisner was there at the beginning of the first, 70 years ago. And I think there's lessons to be learned from that. You're seeing history repeat itself, in some respects. Not sure we're winning at this point, but we're in, definitely in a second cold war. 'Another question I get asked is: 'How do you compare the quality of Wisner's CIA with the CIA now? And the answer is, it's vastly superior today.' In 2022, US intelligence predicted Russia's invasion of Ukraine with striking accuracy. Failures, particularly over whether Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, also dot the record. The Determined Spy is a serious book, a study of American covert power and its lasting effects on those who attempted to wield it, as well as on the world at large. But though Frank Wisner was a powerful man, Waller focuses on his human side, his weaknesses as well as his strengths. Some episodes from Wisner's career, particularly from the early stages, as the CIA was born, produce a kind of comedy of trial and error. In Turkey during the second world war, Waller said, a 'former savings and loan business executive from Illinois, Lanning 'Packy' MacFarland, just made a complete mess of the Istanbul station. 'Frank Wisner II said his dad told him about his first meeting with MacFarland in Istanbul. Wisner went to a nightclub, hoping to see him there, kind of incognito. And the lights to the stage turn on, and there's Packy MacFarland with a line of chorus girls, dressed in drag, singing, 'Boo Boo, baby, I'm a spy.' That was a favorite song among a lot of other spies there. Packy wasn't the only one with poor operational security.' The Determined Spy is published in the US by Dutton In the US, you can call or text the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 988, chat on or text HOME to 741741 to connect with a crisis counselor. In the UK and Ireland, Samaritans can be contacted on freephone 116 123, or email jo@ or jo@ In Australia, the crisis support service Lifeline is 13 11 14. Other international helplines can be found at
New York Times
31-03-2025
- Politics
- New York Times
In Espionage and War, Secure Communication Is Key. Just Ask These Spies.
Given all the press attention and congressional hearings, the recent leak of war plans in strikes on Houthi rebels in Yemen may feel like a singular event. And mistakes aside, as the director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, asserted before Congress, the operation itself 'was very successful and continues to be very successful.' So why worry? But consider the career highlights of some of the world's most noteworthy spies in these three new books. The Determined Spy The biggest surprise in Waller's lively biography of Frank Wisner, THE DETERMINED SPY: The Turbulent Life and Times of CIA Pioneer Frank Wisner (Dutton, 645 pp., $36), is how stunningly naïve U.S. covert and martial operations have been at times. As Waller shows, Wisner's tenure provides one of the harsher lessons of the world of espionage: What appears to be a success at the time may not prove so over the long run. Wisner was a major figure at the C.I.A. in the 1950s, when the agency toppled the governments of Iran and Guatemala. Washington was so pleased with those results that it contemplated doing the same in Cuba. That's how, in 1961, we ended up with the fiasco known as the Bay of Pigs. That leads to a second harsh lesson that intelligence agencies don't like to talk about much — how frequently their people in the field are incompetent. For example, during part of World War II, the chief of American spying in the continental crossroads city of Istanbul — perhaps the most fruitful location for spies at the time — was Lanning 'Packy' Macfarland, a former savings and loan executive from Illinois who was fond of wearing a trench coat and slouch hat. This 'dangerous buffoon,' as Waller calls him, had two lovers: One worked for the Germans, the other for the Russians. Waller, the author of several books on national security, reports that when Wisner replaced Macfarland in Istanbul, he had almost as little experience, but apparently a great deal more native intelligence and drive. Wisner even stood a good chance of becoming the head of the C.I.A. until he suffered a series of manic highs caused by bipolar disorder. He left the agency and, in 1965, killed himself. The results of his coup in Iran live on even today, with the government there regarding the United States as 'the Great Satan.' Iran's Ministry of Intelligence Today's C.I.A., trying to adjust to the mixed directions that come from President Trump, Elon Musk and the president's other assorted appointees, likely would get a bit of quiet sympathy — but not much — from Iran's Ministry of Intelligence. As described by Ward in IRAN'S MINISTRY OF INTELLIGENCE: A Concise History (Georgetown University Press, 195 pp., paperback, $26.95), Iranian intelligence has frequently found itself torn between the country's unelected supreme leader and its elected president. In 2011, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad tried to push out the intelligence minister Heydar Moslehi, supposedly for wiretapping the president's chief of staff. The supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's displeasure bubbled up through the media, and the chief spook went back to work while Ahmadinejad pouted at home for a week. Two years later, Moslehi was in trouble again, allegedly for spying on a legislator. The country also has intense interagency rivalries, much like the well-documented one that has long persisted in America between the C.I.A. and the F.B.I. The Iranian intelligence ministry, which conducts foreign operations but mainly focuses on suppressing internal dissent, is frequently overshadowed by Iran's more ideological and militaristic Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. In 2016, for instance, there was squabbling over who ran better background checks as each agency independently vetted parliamentary candidates ahead of that year's election. By 2023 the tension between the two organizations was so persistent that Khamenei told them in writing to be more cooperative with each other. Overall, Ward's book is thin gruel, featuring only a few interesting tidbits, such as the fact that the details of the Iran-contra scandal — that is, the astonishing report that the Reagan administration was sending weapons to Iran in exchange for American hostages held in Lebanon — were first leaked to a Beirut magazine by a senior Revolutionary Guard official who was unhappy with the shadowy deal. (This dissenting hothead was executed for his intervention, Ward notes.) But the single biggest revelation for me in this book was the author's mention — in an aside — that despite having been a C.I.A. analyst for nearly 30 years specializing in Iranian security issues, he neither speaks nor reads Persian. Imagine an Iranian trying to be an expert on the United States without being able to watch American television and movies, read its books and magazines, and converse with its officials and citizens. Have we learned nothing from the exploits of Packy Macfarland? Watching the Jackals In intelligence, sometimes the most illuminating information comes from unexpected quarters. Of several recent books on covert operations, the most enlightening is WATCHING THE JACKALS: Prague's Covert Liaisons With Cold War Terrorists and Revolutionaries (Georgetown University Press, 350 pp., paperback, $39.95). Richterova, a political scientist at King's College London, lived a researcher's dream: 99 percent of the existing files of the intelligence agencies of Communist Czechoslovakia have been released — and, what's more, without any redactions. She describes how she was the first to read many of these 'freshly declassified files and sift through them as they were brought into the archive reading room on heavy-duty trolleys.' The odd factoids alone are worth the price of admission, demonstrating just how minutely detailed and vivid these documents can be. In 1966, when Che Guevara visited Czechoslovakia for three months as he prepared for his ill-fated mission to Bolivia, he and his companions had only two records to listen to, one by the South African singer Miriam Makeba and the other by the Beatles. In 1977, Abu Daoud, one of the planners of the Munich Olympics massacre five years earlier, checked into Prague's Hotel Intercontinental just as the International Olympic Committee was meeting there — apparently just a macabre coincidence. Two years later, when the volatile Venezuelan terrorist known as Carlos the Jackal accidentally locked himself out of his room at the same hotel, he angrily walked the hallways of the establishment brandishing a large revolver. The heart of Richterova's surprising work lies in the uneasy relationship between the Palestine Liberation Organization and the 'plodding' Czech intelligence services. Czechoslovakia's relationship with the P.L.O. began uncomfortably and worsened with time. 'It was characterized by dissonance — a mismatch in expectations, objectives and preferred tactics,' she writes. Among other things, she adds, this tends to emphatically disprove the allegations made by the journalist Claire Sterling and others in the 1980s that there was extensive cooperation between the Communist Warsaw Pact states and terrorist organizations. The Palestinians, their skills honed by their ongoing fight with Israeli intelligence, ran circles around Prague's operatives. Richterova notes that the Arabs were veterans in espionage tradecraft, using multiple disguises and passports. Some, working for Carlos the Jackal as bodyguards in Prague, were so bold as to detain and question a Czech intelligence officer who was tailing them. The P.L.O. did try to please Prague, partly by proposing a variety of risky operations. Among these was an offer to kill or kidnap Czech exiles who were critical of the Communist regime, including a former chief of the country's state-run television network. The P.L.O. also said that it could attack the Munich headquarters of Radio Free Europe. Prague listened, but was wary of carrying out such schemes, given the potential blowback from the West. The country's leaders might have had other concerns as well: Czech spies deemed P.L.O. agents especially weak on clandestine communications. At one point in 1983, they suggested a course in cryptology. As Trump administration officials have learned lately, communications security may seem like a minor issue — until it blows up in your face.
Boston Globe
24-02-2025
- Politics
- Boston Globe
Frank Wisner, seasoned diplomat and foreign policy adviser, dies at 86
'I could recite the names of every prime minister in the world,' he told Foreign Affairs magazine, 'while my friends could tell you the starting pitchers in the American and National Leagues.' Advertisement Mr. Wisner became a Foreign Service officer in 1961 and came of age during the Vietnam War, joining a diplomatic circle that grew to include his friends Richard C. Holbrooke, who helped negotiate an end to the war in Bosnia, and Leslie H. Gelb, who became a journalist and chaired the Council on Foreign Affairs. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up Unlike them, Mr. Wisner was seldom in the limelight. But he made a vivid impression in world capitals: bald and barrel-chested, with a fondness for claret, hunting, and cigars. President Carter named him ambassador to Zambia in 1979, and he was tapped as top diplomat in Egypt by Ronald Reagan, in the Philippines by George H.W. Bush and in India by Bill Clinton. For a few hours in January 1993, the day of Clinton's first inauguration, he served as acting secretary of state. The position came in between a pair of influential Washington postings, as undersecretary of state for international security affairs and undersecretary of defense for policy. Friends who knew him in Vietnam, where he was stationed for four years at the height of the war, recalled him as 'short and straight-backed, handsome and rakish,' as journalist George Packer wrote in his 2019 book 'Our Man: Richard Holbrooke and the End of the American Century.' 'He spoke in a slightly old-fashioned diction that was only half jest, using phrases like 'in due course' and 'well in hand,'' Packer added, 'and he believed in old-fashioned concepts like having a good war, which meant seeing one's share of action.' For Mr. Wisner, who was assigned to an interagency 'pacification' program, that meant accompanying soldiers on night patrols. Advertisement While serving as ambassador to Egypt from 1986 to 1991, Mr. Wisner sought to ease tensions in Cairo after Saddam Hussein invaded neighboring Kuwait, generating panic among American expats in the region. On his next assignment, to the Philippines, he worked to stabilize relations with President Corazon Aquino, although he had less success lobbying for a lease extension that would have kept the US Navy's sprawling Subic Bay military base in place. Mr. Wisner remained an influential voice in US diplomacy even after he retired from the Foreign Service in 1997, turning down a reported offer to serve as ambassador in Paris so that he could start a second career in business. He served as a vice chairman of the insurance giant AIG for more than a decade, and was a board member at Enron Oil & Gas (now EOG Resources) and an international affairs adviser at the lobbying and legal powerhouse Squire Patton Boggs, where he worked until his death. While on his way out of the State Department, Mr. Wisner helped the Clinton administration in negotiations with Boris Yeltsin's government in Moscow, aiming to curb Russian weapon sales to Iran. Eight years later, the George W. Bush administration enlisted Mr. Wisner's help negotiating Kosovo's status as a sovereign state, an effort that was largely successful - even as Mr. Wisner lamented that Serbia, Kosovo's northern neighbor, still refused to recognize the country's independence. Advertisement Mr. Wisner returned to the news in 2011, when he was recruited by the Obama administration to meet with Egypt's authoritarian president, Hosni Mubarak, amid antigovernment protests that were sweeping through the Arab world. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton later said that she had selected Mr. Wisner to coax Mubarak, a key US ally for three decades, into easing the country toward a democratic transition. The two men had a close relationship that dated back to Mr. Wisner's ambassadorship in Cairo. But the envoy's appeals were ignored, at least at first: When Mr. Wisner left the country not long after their meeting, Mubarak was still holding tightly on to power. Days later, Mr. Wisner made headlines when he appeared to contradict President Obama while addressing an international security conference in Munich. 'You need to get a national consensus around the preconditions of the next step forward,' he said, adding that Mubarak — rather than step aside — 'must stay in office in order to steer those changes through.' The administration distanced itself from Mr. Wisner, with a State Department spokesman clarifying that he had spoken as a private citizen, not a US envoy. Mr. Wisner drew further scrutiny after British journalist Robert Fisk reported that Mr. Wisner's employer Squire Patton Boggs did business with the Mubarak regime, in what appeared to be a 'blatant conflict of interest.' The episode was overshadowed when Mubarak resigned the next week, under pressure from millions of Egyptian protesters who had taken to the streets. His ouster set the stage for a tug-of-war among protesters, the military, and the long-banned Muslim Brotherhood, with retired general Abdel Fatah El-Sissi taking power in 2014. Advertisement To Mr. Wisner, the revolution's chaotic fallout underscored the importance of the patient approach he had advocated for in Munich. 'We ought to have been calling for an orderly transition, rather than telling Mubarak 'get out of town, get out of government,' with no strategy for what happens next,' he told Washington Post columnist David Ignatius in 2016. 'We needed a responsible path to stability and evolution, not revolution.' Mr. Wisner, then ambassador to India, presented Mother Teresa an award of honorary American citizenship in 1996. Anonymous/ASSOCIATED PRESS The oldest of four children, Frank George Wisner II was born in Manhattan on July 2, 1938. The family moved to Washington after World War II, and Mr. Wisner spent part of his school years in England, when his father, also named Frank, was posted in London as CIA station chief. The elder Wisner had served in World War II with the Office of Strategic Services, a precursor to the CIA, and later oversaw the CIA's clandestine branch, playing a role in US-backed coups in Iran and Guatemala. He was diagnosed with manic depression, now known as bipolar disorder, and took his own life in 1965, three years after he retired from the CIA. Mr. Wisner's mother, the former Polly Knowles, was a fund-raiser for Washington arts organizations and a close friend of Katharine Graham, the longtime chair of The Washington Post Co. After her husband's suicide, Polly married newspaper columnist Clayton Fritchey. As a young man, Mr. Wisner prepared for a diplomatic career by traveling overseas, living 'with a couple of old ladies in a suburb of Tours' to learn French. After graduating from Woodberry Forest boarding school in Virginia, he studied Arabic at Princeton University, wrote his senior thesis on Algeria's war for independence, and received a bachelor's degree in 1961. Advertisement The next year, he arrived in Algiers, where he settled into his first State Department posting just as the country was celebrating its independence from France. Mr. Wisner was sent to South Vietnam in 1964 and, after postings in Tunisia and Bangladesh, joined a presidential task force managing the resettlement of some 1 million Vietnamese and Cambodian refugees. His first wife, Genevieve de Virel, a French advertising executive, died of cancer in 1974. His second marriage, to Christine de Ganay, the stepmother of future French President Nicolas Sarkozy, ended in divorce. In 2015, he married Judy Cormier, the owner of a New York City art gallery and design business. In addition to his wife and son, David, he leaves a daughter from his first marriage, Sabrina Wisner; two stepchildren from his second marriage, Caroline and Olivier Sarkozy; two stepchildren from Cormier's earlier marriage, Jamie Nicholls Biondi and Christopher Nicholls; a brother; and 12 grandchildren. Interviewed about foreign affairs after his retirement from the Foreign Service, Mr. Wisner repeatedly championed the importance of political engagement over military action. He joined another former ambassador, Edward P. Djerejian, in publicly cautioning against the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. 'We cannot allow ourselves to be seen to be dictating to the world,' he had said in an oral history a few years earlier. 'We must be in search of partnership, of balance. Not of assertion, but of compromise.'
New York Times
24-02-2025
- Politics
- New York Times
Frank G. Wisner, Diplomat With Impact on Foreign Policy, Dies at 86
Frank G. Wisner, a veteran American diplomat, Washington insider and foreign affairs specialist who relished the prestige of ambassadorial life as much as the back-channel cajoling and arm-twisting of less public influence, died on Monday at his home in Mill Neck, N.Y., on Long Island. He was 86. His son, David, said the cause was complications of lung cancer. Over decades as a member of the policy elite, Mr. Wisner headed embassies in Zambia, Egypt, the Philippines and India, held high office under both Republican and Democratic administrations and was linked to initiatives that wrought change in regions as disparate as southern Africa and the Balkans. He rose to prominence at a time when the Cold War rivalry with the Soviet Union turned an emergent world of newly-independent states into a checkerboard of competition between Washington and Moscow and their various surrogates. Gregarious and often expansive, Mr. Wisner brought his own style to the task of promoting America's vision. In Cairo, for instance, where he was ambassador from 1986 to 1991, he once invited a reporter along to join him for an evening of diplomacy and socializing, crisscrossing the city in an armored Mercedes-Benz followed by a chase car of bodyguards as he was feted in a series of formal receptions. The guest list at his dinner parties offered a Who's Who of the elite. And as the representative of Egypt's most influential superpower ally, his interlocutors sometimes treated him like an affable viceroy. Once, Mr. Wisner borrowed a friend's apartment in Cairo to conduct unpublicized talks with exiled members of the Soviet-backed armed wing of Nelson Mandela's African National Congress, at a time when official contact with such figures was unusual. Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times. Thank you for your patience while we verify access. Already a subscriber? Log in. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.
