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Daily Maverick
a day ago
- General
- Daily Maverick
Somalia's stance on peace missions — interference or local ownership?
Threats to the independence of peace support missions call for clarity on their relationship with host countries. The Federal Government of Somalia has repeatedly used the 'persona non grata' principle to expel senior representatives of African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) missions, citing 'misconduct' and 'interference in internal affairs'. Somalia is also playing a more pronounced but contested role in planning, deploying and repatriating AU peace support operations (PSOs) in the country. These moves undermine missions' independence and hamper their ability to carry out mandated tasks. They also question host nations' increasing role in shaping mission strategy and operations. As the UN and AU explore the future of PSOs, the implications for existing and future peace missions must be considered. The UN and AU have long supported Somalia through peace missions to help deal with the country's protracted civil war. For almost 20 years the AU has deployed three consecutive PSOs – the latest being the AU Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia (Aussom) – with a mandate to help defeat violent extremist groups, including al-Shabaab, protect civilians and rebuild the country's governance capacity. The UN has provided special political missions to support state-building, rule of law, justice and human rights. It also authorised the AU PSOs and provided them with logistical assistance. Despite their many challenges and the persistent al-Shabaab threat, these missions have helped stabilise the country. Somalia has consolidated its government structures at federal and state levels, and an increasing number of regions have been liberated from al-Shabaab. Thousands of peacekeepers have died for the cause of peace. The 3,500 AU mission personnel killed in Somalia between 2007 and 2023 nears the total deaths of all UN peacekeeping missions in 75 years worldwide. Mission leaders walk a fine political line as they operate in Somalia. According to recent media reports, diplomatic concerns among Somali federal authorities resulted in Aussom acting head Sivuyile Bam being declared 'persona non grata'. Bam is also a deputy special representative to AU Commission chairperson Mahmoud Ali Youssouf. Neither side has issued an official statement, but Somalia reportedly accused Bam of sympathising with al-Shabaab, and the government hinted at 'misconduct' when announcing Bam's replacement. This announcement appears false since the AU Commission has yet to appoint a head and deputy head of Aussom. Anonymous AU sources told ISS Today that the AU Commission withdrew Bam from the mission before Somalia expelled him. They said the reason was his briefing to the UN Security Council in April, which highlighted Aussom's funding and capabilities challenges, and the rise in al-Shabaab attacks. Somalia has used these tactics before, when senior leaders of AU and UN missions were forced to leave the country for similar reasons. In 2022, former AU Commission chairperson special representative and head of the first two AU PSOs, ambassador Francisco Madeira, was ejected. Somalia accused Madeira of 'engaging in acts that are incompatible with his status as representative of the AU Commission'. Former AU Commission chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat rejected the accusation, expressing his 'trust and confidence' in Madeira. In 2019, Somalia expelled the UN Secretary General's Special Envoy and Mission Head Nicholas Haysom, accusing him of 'interfering with the country's internal affairs.' However, other sources said he was expelled because he was defending human rights in the country. In recent years Somalia's government has increasingly contested the planning, deployment and repatriation of AU PSOs. For example, Burundi – one of the largest contributors to AU PSOs since 2008 – has said it will withdraw its forces from Somalia following disagreement with the government on the number of troops to be deployed. These decisions were not Somalia's to make. Burundi's troop contribution was planned under the AU framework, and any decisions on expert and troop numbers deployed should have been made by the AU Commission. Local and national ownership is generally recognised as key to a mission's effectiveness. In 2001, the UN endorsed the concept as a way to empower local actors and communities in the peacebuilding process. In principle though, this was not intended to compromise the strategic and operational independence of missions. Tensions between host nations and peace missions are not new and are not restricted to Somalia. When Sudan, Mali, and Kosovo expelled UN mission leaders, the UN condemned their actions because the 'doctrine of 'persona non grata' is not applicable to UN personnel'. While the legality of 'persona non grata' in the context of UN and AU peace missions is still debatable, the implications for peace missions of using this tactic are evident. At the very least, the threat of expulsion undermines the morale of mission personnel and their ability to act independently according to their mandates. Operational independence is vital to a mission's legitimacy in the eyes of host nation communities and the world. For Aussom, having an 'acting' head of mission since mid-April will limit its effectiveness. The Somali government's direct dealings with Burundi on troop contributions to Aussom not only compromise mission independence but undermine troop-contributing countries' confidence in the AU Commission's decision-making. This highlights the dilemma of state sovereignty and how to manage the principle of local ownership in peace operations. But once a country signs an agreement consenting to international support, it cedes some sovereignty in line with the mandate of UN and AU peace missions. Local ownership is important, but so too is ensuring missions' strategic and operational independence. The latest developments in Somalia call for a rethink of how these relationships are structured and managed. The UN and AU should jointly define the role of host nations to ensure the independence of existing and future peace missions as part of a larger conversation about the relationship between host countries and peace missions. DM
Daily Maverick
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
From conflict to cooperation: Rethinking security strategies in the Kenya-Ethiopia borderlands
Kenya's police have achieved some positive results, but lasting solutions require ongoing cooperation between the two countries. In February, Kenyan police launched Operation Ondoa Jangili ('remove the criminals') as part of security measures to drive the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) out of hideouts in Isiolo and Marsabit counties. The OLA is an informal militia fighting for self-determination for Ethiopia's Oromo ethnic group in the south of the country. Owing to its political orientation and culture of violence, it has frequently escaped Ethiopian authorities by crossing into Kenya. Marsabit and Isiolo are home to the Borana and Gabbra communities, both of which speak Oromo, thus providing cover for the OLA through ethnic affinity. Ethiopia's National Intelligence and Security Service says the armed group broke away from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) after the OLF renounced the armed struggle in 2018. Ethiopian intelligence says the OLA has established ties with the terrorist group al-Shabaab in Somalia and is involved in illicit activities such as arms trafficking and illegal mining. The Kenya Police Service has also accused the group of engaging in arms, drug and human trafficking, illegal mining, kidnapping for ransom and instigating tribal conflicts. In August 2024, two South Koreans were abducted from their Odda Mission Church residence in Moyale and allegedly handed to al-Shabaab in what Ethiopian intelligence says was an OLA-al-Shabaab collaboration. The OLA denies the claim. Kenya-Ethiopia cross-border insecurity The OLA says it has no presence in Kenya. This contradicts the country's National Intelligence Service Director-General Noordin Haji, who told a parliamentary oversight committee that the OLA was occupying Kenyan territory. The group has reiterated its commitment to ensuring the safety of Kenyan communities living along the border, pledging to respect Kenya's territorial integrity and expressing willingness to cooperate with authorities. The OLA accused Ethiopia's army and intelligence of facilitating transnational criminal networks and cautioned Kenya not to be misled and to maintain its balanced approach to regional stability. Kenyans living along the border are caught in the crossfire, often being detained by security forces for allegedly harbouring OLA fighters. Community members also face harassment by the OLA, which accuses them of spying for Kenya and Ethiopia's governments. The Kenya National Commission on Human Rights says the ongoing police operation has sparked an outcry from those affected, who report human rights violations by the security forces. A lack of coordinated Kenyan-Ethiopian security force patrols along their porous border, marginalisation of border communities by both governments, and weak state institutions lacking the capacity to respond to distress calls have all worked in the OLA's favour. A resident told ISS Today that previous efforts by both Kenyan and Ethiopian security agencies to contain the OLA's activities were disjointed. That allowed the group to easily melt into the Kenyan population across the border when escaping Ethiopian authorities. As a result of OLA's incursions and a mismatch in Kenya and Ethiopia's firearm policies, the border region has suffered an influx of small arms. Kenya controls the licensing of arms, while in Ethiopia, civilians can legally own guns after registering them with the federal government. This fuels a cycle of insecurity as border communities acquire illicit arms for self-defence, creating a ready market for arms traffickers and the OLA. Memorandum of understanding In August 2024, in the build-up to the current police operation, Kenya and Ethiopia signed a memorandum of understanding on security cooperation through intelligence sharing and coordinated operations. The countries also had a security defence pact ratified in 1964, which, among other things, allowed them to support each other if a third party attacked them. However, the pact lost significance as the Somalian threat at that time waned. Kenya's operation has uncovered 14 makeshift camps believed to be used by OLA members, 10 firearms, ammunition, fake US dollars and Ethiopian birr, and propaganda literature in Oromo. Several people with alleged links to the group were arrested, and the police claim to have disrupted human and arms trafficking networks while curtailing cross-border incursions and kidnappings. These are positive achievements. But as with all security force operations, the successes can generally only be sustained while the operation is active. Once it ends, illicit activities could resume. Longer-term measures and prevention strategies are also vital. For example, coordinated and ongoing joint cross-border security patrols, combined with state investment in infrastructure such as roads and education facilities in border areas, are needed. That would protect border communities and facilitate trade and investment, bringing stability after decades of upheaval. Kenya and Ethiopia should also establish a permanent joint border security management framework, including a 24-hour one-stop border post at Moyale and formal border posts in Forolle, Elhadi and Dukana. This would encourage trade and check the movement of criminal actors and contraband across the border. Also, while factionalism within insurgent groups makes engaging in meaningful peace talks hard, Ethiopia's government should consider dialogue with the OLA, as happened in 2023. Ironing out contentious issues and building trust could help settle the disputes among parties to the conflict. Lastly, security forces must adhere to the law when carrying out operations, particularly concerning human rights. This would build trust between them and local communities, with knock-on positive effects for intelligence sharing, and tracking and arresting suspects. DM
Qatar Tribune
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Qatar Tribune
13 killed in Mogadishu suicide bombing
agencies Mogadishu At least 13 people have been killed in a suicide attack in the Somali capital Mogadishu, police said on Sunday. The attacker gained access to a military facility where he blew himself up among 200 young men looking to be recruited by the army, police told DPA. The al-Shabaab militia, an insurgent group seeking an Islamist state in Somalia, claimed responsibility for the attack. Another 16 people were injured with the number of fatalities expected to rise further, according to police. The sound of the explosion could be heard in several parts of the city. 'There was a loud explosion, and immediately people began running in all directions. Bodies were everywhere,' said Abdulkadir Hassan Mohamed, a tuk-tuk driver who witnessed the blast told AP. Teenagers were lining up at the base's gate when the suicide bomber detonated the explosives, witnesses told Reuters. Abdisalan Mohamed said he had seen 'hundreds of teenagers at the gate as we passed by in a bus'. 'Abruptly, a deafening blast occurred, and the area was covered by dense smoke. We could not see the details of casualties,' he added. Dozens of abandoned shoes and the remains of the suicide bomber remained visible at the scene. Al-Shabaab claimed on its radio station to have killed dozens of new recruits. The group, which is linked to the al-Qaeda terrorist network, accused the government of exploiting unemployed young people to send them to fight against the militia. Al-Shabaab has been carrying out attacks in Somalia and beyond for years to establish a theocracy based on Sharia law. In recent weeks, fighting has been flared up again between government troops and the militia, particularly in the south and centre of the country.
NBC News
18-05-2025
- NBC News
Mogadishu suicide bomber kills at least 10 at army recruitment drive
At least 10 people were killed on Sunday after a suicide bomber targeted a queue of young recruits registering at the Damanyo military base in the Somali capital Mogadishu, witnesses told Reuters. Teenagers were lining up at the base's gate when the attacker detonated their explosives, they said. A military captain who gave his name as Suleiman described the attack as he had seen it unfold. 'I was on the other side of the road. A speeding tuk-tuk stopped, a man alighted, ran into the queue, and then blew himself up. I saw 10 people dead, including recruits and passers-by. The death toll may rise,' he said. Dozens of abandoned shoes and the remains of the suicide bomber were visible at the scene. Another witness, Abdisalan Mohamed, said he had seen 'hundreds of teenagers at the gate as we passed by in a bus'. 'Abruptly, a deafening blast occurred, and the area was covered by dense smoke. We could not see the details of casualties,' he said. Medical staff at the military hospital told Reuters they had received 30 injured people from the blast and that six of them had died immediately. Government forces quickly cordoned off the entire area. There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack and government officials could not immediately be reached for comment. The attack echoed a similar incident in 2023 when a suicide bomber killed 25 soldiers at the Jale Siyad base, located opposite the Damanyo facility. Sunday's attack followed the assassination on Saturday of Colonel Abdirahmaan Hujaale, commander of battalion 26, in the Hiiran region, amid local reports of al-Shabaab militant infiltration into government and security forces.
GMA Network
18-05-2025
- Politics
- GMA Network
Mogadishu suicide bomber kills at least 10 at army recruitment drive
A Somali military officer walk past abandoned shoes at the scene of an explosion targeting a queue of young recruits registering at the Damanyo military base in Hodan district of Mogadishu, Somalia May 18, 2025. REUTERS/ Feisal Omar MOGADISHU — At least 10 people were killed on Sunday after a suicide bomber targeted a queue of young recruits registering at the Damanyo military base in the Somali capital Mogadishu, witnesses told Reuters. Teenagers were lining up at the base's gate when the attacker detonated their explosives, they said. A military captain who gave his name as Suleiman described the attack as he had seen it unfold. "I was on the other side of the road. A speeding tuk-tuk stopped, a man alighted, ran into the queue, and then blew himself up. I saw 10 people dead, including recruits and passers-by. The death toll may rise," he said. Dozens of abandoned shoes and the remains of the suicide bomber were visible at the scene. Another witness, Abdisalan Mohamed, said he had seen "hundreds of teenagers at the gate as we passed by in a bus." "Abruptly, a deafening blast occurred, and the area was covered by dense smoke. We could not see the details of casualties," he said. Medical staff at the military hospital told Reuters they had received 30 injured people from the blast and that six of them had died immediately. Government forces quickly cordoned off the entire area. There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack and government officials could not immediately be reached for comment. The attack echoed a similar incident in 2023 when a suicide bomber killed 25 soldiers at the Jale Siyad base, located opposite the Damanyo facility. Sunday's attack followed the assassination on Saturday of Colonel Abdirahmaan Hujaale, commander of battalion 26, in the Hiiran region, amid local reports of al-Shabaab militant infiltration into government and security forces. — Reuters
