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News18
3 days ago
- Politics
- News18
How PM Modi's Idea Of An All-Party Squad After Op Sindoor Works On Five Levels
Last Updated: It is one of India's strongest shows of bipartisan unity between the government and the Opposition in many decades Uddhav Sena called it a 'baraat' or wedding party. The Congress was upset that its own leader, Shashi Tharoor, was acting like the BJP's 'super spokesman". Even a section of the BJP's own support base was unpleasantly surprised that the Narendra Modi government was using its own bitter opponents in an overseas mission. Some said it betrayed the BJP's weakness in setting the global narrative. But beyond what is immediately visible lies a masterclass in Modi's political manoeuvre. And it works at levels and over a length of time far beyond the obvious. Here are five ways in which the roping in of politicians from the most diverse ideologies helps the nation, the government, and the party. The 59-member team visiting 32 countries and the European Union headquarters in Brussels includes Opposition leaders ranging from Shashi Tharoor of the Congress to Asaduddin Owaisi of AIMIM, Kanimozhi of the DMK to Supriya Sule of the NCP, Priyanka Chaturvedi of Uddhav Sena to John Brittas of the CPM. First, it is one of India's strongest shows of bipartisan unity between the government and the Opposition in many decades. There have been other occasions, for instance during the Indo-Pakistan War of 1965 or after the Pokhran nuclear tests, when various Opposition parties supported the government's war efforts. But this is the first time the Centre has so boldly adopted a Team India approach to diplomacy. Second, the whole initiative serves to break down the walls around communication between the Central government and the Opposition. It also makes floor management easier in Parliament. Third, raising a unified voice against terrorism and India's enemies like Pakistan gives the non-BJP leaders—who are sometimes accused of taking unpatriotic stands on internal and external security—a new goodwill among citizens. It incentivises nationalism for the Opposition. Love and service for the nation, in their unconditional form, are their own reward. But in politics, they incidentally also fetch votes. Fourth, PM Modi's initiative has created a talent pool of national spokespersons from across party lines speaking beyond party lines, exclusively for Bharat. It has added brilliant orators like Shashi Tharoor and Asaduddin Owaisi to the exceptional tradition of oratory which the BJP-RSS family brings. It deepens India's bench strength in setting the diplomatic and political narrative worldwide. And fifth, in one stroke, PM Modi and his government have managed to marginalise grumpy and rabidly anti-Modi legacy leaders like Rahul Gandhi and Uddhav Thackeray, as well as the loony Left and Islamists. Even within their respective parties and voter bases, the united outreach shows these leaders as petty, narcissistic, and even inimical to India's interests. RaGa's rants and false accusations on Operation Sindoor are being discredited by Congress and Opposition representatives themselves in several world capitals. The entire exercise brings a paradigm shift. It moves the middle ground of Indian politics quite a few feet towards the nationalist Right and away from the globalist Left. All these are happening quietly and simultaneously, leaving social media busy and confused about whom to side with, because the sides have blurred. Abhijit Majumder is a senior journalist. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views.
News18
24-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
Between Loyalty And Liberty: What Shashi Tharoor Reveals About Congress's Future
Last Updated: Tharoor's conundrum reveals lack of internal democracy, Gandhis' unchallenged authority, Kharge's limitations, and Congress's inconsistent support for national diplomacy Shashi Tharoor, the articulate Congress MP from Thiruvananthapuram, remains a paradoxical figure within the Indian National Congress—a party he has bolstered with his global stature as a former UN diplomat and consistent electoral success, yet frequently finds himself at odds with its leadership. His role in India's diplomatic response to the India-Pakistan conflict in May 2025 has exposed deep-seated tensions. The government, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, selected Tharoor to head an all-party delegation to the UK and four other global capitals to present India's stance on terrorism from Pakistan, overriding Congress's nominations. The party had submitted a list of four leaders: Anand Sharma, Gaurav Gogoi, Syed Naseer Hussain, and Amrinder Singh Raja Warring. But only Sharma was included as a member in one delegation, with the others sidelined. This move, while capitalising on Tharoor's diplomatic finesse, triggered discontent within Congress, highlighting its struggle to balance individual prominence with collective loyalty. Senior leader Jairam Ramesh, without naming Tharoor, remarked: 'Congress mein hona aur Congress ka hona mein zameen-aasmaan ka antar hai" [There is a difference between being in the Congress and of the Congress], critiquing actions seen as too aligned with the government's narrative. Tharoor's conundrum—navigating personal conviction amid party expectations—reveals four critical fault lines: the lack of internal democracy, the Gandhi family's unchallenged authority, Mallikarjun Kharge's limitations as president, and Congress's inconsistent support for national diplomacy when it conflicts with partisan goals. These fissures, amplified by Tharoor's high-profile role, underscore Congress's broader challenge to redefine its identity in a dynamic political landscape. This independent streak has come at a cost. Tharoor, once projected as a thinking statesman within the Congress, finds himself increasingly sidelined—denied leadership roles, overlooked for major responsibilities, and gently nudged out of the party's inner circle. His bid for Congress presidency was welcomed by the public but treated coldly by party loyalists who view any deviation from the anti-Modi script as disloyalty. But Tharoor's approach is not about supporting Modi—it's about supporting India when it does something right. In a healthier political ecosystem, such nuance would be celebrated. In today's Congress, it's punished. His real 'error" is daring to speak as a statesman in a time of sycophancy, where dissent within is discouraged and pragmatism mistaken for betrayal. Lack of Internal Democracy The Congress party, historically a broad coalition that led India's freedom struggle, has struggled to maintain internal democracy in its post-Independence avatar. Tharoor's 2022 bid for the Congress presidency against Mallikarjun Kharge was a rare moment of competitive succession, the first in over two decades without a Gandhi at the helm. Despite a 96 per cent voter turnout and Tharoor securing a respectable 1,072 votes (11.42 per cent) against Kharge's 7,897, the process was marred by allegations of irregularities, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, where Tharoor's team flagged 'serious malpractices." The election, while symbolically significant, underscored the party's resistance to genuine reform. Tharoor's campaign, which emphasised change over continuity, resonated with a section of delegates, yet the party's organisational structure—dominated by loyalists appointed by the high command—ensured Kharge's victory. The absence of published electoral rolls for the 9,000 Pradesh Congress Committee members further fuelled skepticism about the election's fairness. Tharoor's subsequent marginalisation, evident in his exclusion from the 43-member steering committee formed by Kharge, highlights a party culture that stifles dissent and rewards conformity over merit. This lack of internal democracy not only alienates leaders like Tharoor but also hampers Congress's ability to evolve as a dynamic opposition force. Gandhi Family as the Final Voice The Gandhi family's grip on Congress remains the defining feature of its internal politics. Tharoor's presidential candidacy, though not explicitly anti-Gandhi, was perceived as a challenge to the status quo, given Kharge's backing by the party's establishment, implicitly the Gandhis. His defeat, while expected, did not end the scrutiny of his loyalty. In 2023, Tharoor's candid remark that Congress is 'in many ways a family-run party" while discussing potential prime ministerial candidates (naming Kharge or Rahul Gandhi) drew sharp reactions, as it echoed the BJP's long-standing critique of Congress as dynastic. This statement, made in the context of Rahul Gandhi's attempts to deflect dynasty allegations by pointing to BJP leaders' kin, underscored the sensitivity within Congress to any narrative that questions the Gandhis' centrality. Tharoor's inclusion in the Congress Working Committee in 2023 was seen as a conciliatory gesture, but his repeated divergence from the party line—most recently on India-Pakistan diplomacy—has reignited tensions. Party sources have accused him of crossing the 'Lakshman Rekha," signaling that no voice, however articulate or credible, can overshadow the Gandhis' authority. This dynamic ensures that talented leaders like Tharoor are either co-opted or sidelined, leaving little room for independent thought or leadership. Mallikarjun Kharge's Limitations as President Mallikarjun Kharge's election as Congress president in 2022 was hailed as a step toward a non-Gandhi leadership, yet his tenure has exposed the constraints of his role. Kharge, a seasoned leader with a strong organisational background, was seen as a safe choice—loyal to the Gandhis and unlikely to disrupt the party's power structure. However, his presidency has struggled to articulate a clear ideological or strategic vision for Congress. On critical issues, such as the India-Pakistan conflict following Operation Sindoor in May 2025, the party's stance has been inconsistent. While Congress lauded the armed forces' success, it questioned the Modi government's ceasefire agreement, particularly former US President Donald Trump's claims of mediation. Kharge's leadership has failed to reconcile these contradictions, leaving room for individual leaders like Tharoor to fill the void with their own views. Tharoor's praise for the government's 'restraint and precision" in the strikes contrasted with the party's skepticism, exposing Kharge's inability to enforce a unified narrative. His role as a 'rubber stamp," as critics have suggested, limits his authority to steer the party beyond the Gandhis' directives, rendering Congress's responses reactive and fragmented. This leadership vacuum undermines the party's credibility as a cohesive opposition. Fleeting Support for India's Diplomacy Tharoor's selection to lead an all-party delegation to five global capitals in May 2025 to present India's stance on terrorism from Pakistan was a testament to his diplomatic acumen. However, the move sparked controversy within Congress, as his name was not among the four MPs recommended by Rahul Gandhi and Kharge. The government's decision to include Tharoor, bypassing Congress's nominees, was slammed by the party's communication chief and Rajya Sabha MP Jairam Ramesh, who emphasised the party's exclusion from the decision. Tharoor's vocal support for the government's military response to the April 22 Pahalgam attack, which killed 26 people, and his dismissal of Trump's mediation claims as a politician 'wanting to take credit", aligned closely with the government's narrative. top videos View all This stance, while praised by some as patriotic, drew ire from Congress leaders, who felt it undermined the party's critical posture. The episode revealed Congress's inability to sustain a unified stance on national interest issues when they conflict with partisan goals. Tharoor's insistence that he spoke as an Indian, not a party spokesperson loyal to Gandhi family highlighted the tension between individual conviction and collective discipline, exposing Congress's discomfort with leaders who prioritise national unity over party loyalty. The author teaches journalism at St Xavier's College (autonomous), Kolkata. His handle on X is @sayantan_gh. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : Anand Sharma India-Pakistan ties Mallikarjun Kharge Operation Sindoor Rahul Gandhi shashi tharoor Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: May 24, 2025, 10:12 IST News opinion Opinion | Between Loyalty And Liberty: What Shashi Tharoor Reveals About Congress's Future
The Print
20-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Even Imran Khan is praising Pakistan Army now. Military nationalism is back in the country
Notwithstanding Khan's popularity, which prior to the conflict with India was one of the biggest threats to the army leadership, it doesn't seem likely that General Asim Munir is about to break the partnership with the Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PMLN). The party's new avatar in the form of Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif and the Punjab Chief Minister, Maryam Nawaz, stood by the general during the recent geo-strategic crisis. Munir also has no reason to get rid of Asif Ali Zardari and his son, Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari, who equally proved to be a good team in presenting Pakistan's perspective on domestic and international media forums. Many would read his recent statement from jail eulogising the military for its performance during the conflict and parroting the army's anti-Modi statements as Khan managing to read the tea leaves. He has changed his stance based on his understanding of writing on the wall—it is no longer possible to challenge the armed forces politically. However, if one were to compare his recent statement with PTI hardliners in the diaspora saying that no reconciliation is taking place, two possible conclusions can be drawn. First, that a settlement between Khan and the army has not happened, but that Khan is trying to signal to the military as an institution that now is the time to combine his popularity with their recently acquired legitimacy to draw greater political strength. The message also conveys that while he has not changed his position that he's the only legitimate leader, he has no issues with the army's broader geo-strategic approach. And he is merely questioning their choice of civilian leadership, and that they would benefit by bringing him back to power. Second, the military leadership does not really intend to take a U-turn on their policy regarding Imran Khan. Instead, they're trying to spread stories that would calm the nerves of his support base, who at this point will be satisfied if he gets better treatment in jail or if he's shifted to his residence in Bani Gala. Rumours are that the Pakistan Army has restarted its conversation with Imran Khan. In a recent television programme , senior journalist Najam Sethi talked about a certain softening, pointing toward Khan being allowed to meet his sister and his improved treatment in jail. Sethi suggests that a reconciliation with the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf leader is being worked out and that some officers have met him in jail, asking him to contribute to the army's ongoing post-conflict efforts to rebuild a military-laced nationalism. He is allegedly being asked to silence the voices among his followers that continue to challenge the military. Also read: Pahalgam is helping Pakistan army become nation's saviour again, regain lost image Army's back in business Pakistan's new reality is that traditional military nationalism is back in business. This doesn't mean that those who voted for Imran Khan or wanted him to be at the helm of affairs have abandoned him; it just means that they are not belligerent toward the military anymore. For this crowd, the desire is to see a reconciliation that could bring Khan back to power without necessarily seeing the army out of power. Munir is certainly a beneficiary of the conflict. The general can no longer be seriously challenged by Imran Khan as he is now the new hero. Notwithstanding the diverse assessment of gains during the conflict on both sides of the border, the Pakistan Air Force's performance in particular has built Munir's image. The army chief and his team are neither deterred by India's response nor worried about being touted domestically for cowing down. As some of the young people I spoke with recently said, people are now more tolerant of the idea that what Pakistan needs for its survival is a strong military. In fact, one of the new issues that Munir faces is who to support more, the PML-N that has definitely benefited from the conflict in terms of improvement of its image in Punjab, or Asif Zardari and his Pakistan People's Party, which was equally at the forefront in supporting his efforts. There is something that has fundamentally changed in Pakistan's political scene—not a single political party is willing to paint the army as outsiders or contest its demand for a greater share of resources. As journalist and commentator on economic issues, Khurram Hussain pointed out in his recent article, the military will now expect an increase in its budget, and that will not be criticised but accepted because the conflict has built a case for beefing up the military's capacity. The bulk of Pakistan is back to considering defence spending as a public good necessary for the country's existential survival. What goes without saying is that this change in thinking will lead to all the criticism that was earlier seen regarding the military's expanded control of the economy and its business interests falling quiet. Here is a changed scenario in which the old and the new parties across the ideological spectrum, be it Left, Centre or the Right, cannot question the new narrative—of the military as saviour of the state with a demonstrable capacity to protect itself against a bigger neighbour. Politically, there is very little space for dissident voices, which means that the PTI can no longer depend on the narrative of Imran Khan being the only leader with the capacity to put the military in order. Given that the conflict was more intense than in 2019 and the military was able to say that it could push back successfully, any questioning of its institutional power would be out of order. Not surprisingly, since the conflict, Pakistan's social media has also gone relatively silent on even other more tricky issues like the grievance of Sindhi nationalists on the domestic water crisis or the condition of the Baloch people or the treatment of Pashtuns. Most likely, people now talking about these issues will get trolled or, at best, ignored. This brings me to a suggestion from friends, who have had a deeper look at Pakistan's nationalism narrative prior to the conflict. During our conversations about the military's unpopularity, I recall their argument that it is skin-deep and that the issue of the political dissidents, especially those who opposed the military because of Imran Khan, would turn around as quickly as they started if conditions changed. Of course, the argument was then in the light of Imran Khan mending fences with the GHQ and being given an opportunity to play a role. The present moment is even more intense. The fact is that once the conflict started, it was clear to many that the army got an opportunity to get back into the driving seat. This doesn't mean that problems will not emerge, but thus far, it has managed to solve its image problem just like it managed to do many other times in the past. Ayesha Siddiqa is a senior fellow at the Department of War Studies at King's College, London. She tweets @iamthedrifter. Views are personal. (Edited by Theres Sudeep)
Mint
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Mint
Asaduddin Owaisi on why BJP is winning elections consistently: ‘Opposition is nakaam'
All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) chief Asaduddin Owaisi on Sunday, May 18, took a jibe at the Opposition for its repeated failures in the elections, saying the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) continues to win elections because the Opposition is 'nakaam' [ineffective]. Asaduddin Owaisi said the BJP had repeated successes because it has successfully consolidated the Hindu vote. 'BJP is coming to power because the opposition is inefficient [nakaam]. The BJP is winning elections because it has consolidated almost 50 per cent of the Hindu vote,' Asaduddin Owaisi said in an interview to news agency PTI. Rejecting suggestions that he cuts into anti-Modi votes, Asaduddin Owaisi said, 'If I contest in Hyderabad, Aurangabad, Kishanganj and a few other seats in the 2024 Parliamentary elections and BJP gets 240 seats then am I responsible? How can you put the blame on me, tell me?' Asaduddin Owaisi has advised PM Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah of taking advantage of the spontaneous protests in Kashmir against Pakistan after the Pahalgam terror attack, asking them to 'adopt Kashmiris'. Citing the protests, Asaduddin Owaisi said the protests showed there was no support for Pakistan left in the region. He said, '…it is a historic opportunity for the government, for Prime Minister Modi, for Home Minister Amit Shah. They should use this opportunity properly. You should definitely confront Pakistan but you should also adopt Kashmiris." Asaduddin Owaisi said that after the April 22 terror attack in Baisaran Valley of Pahalgam, 'there was maatam [mourning] in every Kashmiri household'. Pakistan-linked terrorists on April 22 gunned down 26 persons in Baisaran Valley of Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir. Political parties, religious leaders and social organisations condemned the horrific attack and held protests in many parts of J-K following the terror strike and India launched military strikes on May 7 under Operation Sindoor, targeting at least nine terror camps in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied-Kashmir (PoK).
The Hindu
18-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
BJP keeps winning because opposition is a failure: Owaisi
The BJP is winning elections consistently because the opposition is a failure (nakaam) and because it has consolidated the Hindu votes, Hyderabad MP Asaduddin Owaisi has said, rejecting suggestions that he cuts into anti-Modi votes. "How can you put the blame on me, tell me?" Mr. Owaisi said in an interview to PTI Videos on Saturday. "If I contest in Hyderabad, Aurangabad, Kishanganj and a few other seats in the 2024 Parliamentary elections and BJP gets 240 seats then am I responsible?" Mr. Owaisi said. "BJP is coming to power because the opposition is a failure (nakaam). BJP is winning elections because it has consolidated almost 50% of the Hindu vote," he said, adding that attempts to blame him, and call him BJP's B-Team are nothing but the opposition's "hatred" for his party because it largely represents Muslims. "When every segment of the society has a semblance of political leadership, and that's acceptable to you but you don't want that Muslims should have a semblance of political voice, political leadership," he said. Asked if he was referring to Congress, he said he is referring to all opposition parties, including BSP, SP and BJP. "Yadav will be a leader, Musalmaan will be a beggar. Upper caste will be a leader, Musalmaan will be a beggar. How is that fair tell me," Mr. Owaisi said. He lamented that the founding fathers of India had envisaged the country as a participatory democracy, "so where is the participation of Muslims?" "When it is a question of India's integrity and security we will come forward and stand by the Indian military. But we do have to talk about the problems inside our homes, no?" He pointed out that despite being the largest minority group in the country with nearly 15% population, Muslims have only 4% participation in legislatures and Parliament. Asked why that is so, he said it's because political parties don't give tickets to Muslims to contest elections, and then people don't vote for Muslims. He cautioned that India cannot achieve the "Viksit Bharat" goal by 2047 by keeping such a large community marginalised and weak. Political parties should stop looking at Muslims as vote banks, and instead work to uplift them, educate them, treat them fairly and give them jobs, he added. "Our fight is that we don't want to remain voters. We want to be citizens." Mr. Owaisi's attempts to emerge as a leader with an electoral appeal outside his citadel have met with some success as his party has won a few seats, especially those with a large Muslim population, in States like Bihar and Maharashtra in past elections.
