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The Print
30-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
DM position is outdated. It's a personality cult, not leadership
As far as I am concerned, I am immensely proud to have once been an IAS officer. There is no aspersion cast on the competency of any individual who joins the service; anybody selected through a three-tier process, which narrows down a field of nearly a million aspirants to a triple-distilled cohort of 150 individuals, is bound to be competent and can be justifiably proud of being a member of this elite group. However, that pride does not translate into blind loyalty to the IAS tribe or to the unequivocal acceptance of the mythology and group-speak of the service. Criticism of the IAS's conservative clinging to outdated institutions does not denote a lack of pride; rather, It draws attention to the crying need for introspection, without bias or slant. This observation of mine, recorded by ThePrint's Sanya Dhingra in a report published this week, did not sit well with some of my former colleagues. One of them asked me why I was 'demolishing' the service and contrasted my approach with that of the armed forces, where any criticism is met with a 'warrior-like front' and a show of 'pride' in the service. The concentration of administrative powers in the district magistrate is an impediment to development. The IAS circle has carefully cultivated the myth of the collector's infallibility and has pushed a narrative that citizens must be kept under check, lest they step out of line. A comparison between the civil service and the armed forces is inappropriate. A civil service is not a uniformed service. Those who join the armed forces must be indoctrinated to do something unnatural: to kill and to die. They have to be trained to suppress the natural instinct of rational human beings, which is to live and let live, and to preserve themselves. Such training aims to suspend the natural tendency not to kill and to preserve one's own life, during the dire circumstances of war, as a professional imperative. In contrast, the civil servants are not expected to kill or to die. In most circumstances, we are not dealing with an enemy; we are dealing with fellow citizens. We are expected to serve the people by following the letter and spirit of the Constitution of India and the laws and rules of the land, which flow from it. Our notions, biases, and group interests ought not to come in the way of that primary task. The bald fact of the matter is that the position of the district collector (also called district magistrate or deputy commissioner), created by the British to rule over a potentially irresponsible and mutinous people—the subjects of a foreign imperialist power—continues even today, with a huge concentration of powers in it. India underwent fundamental economic reforms and liberalisation 30 years ago, alongside sweeping constitutional amendments to give local elected governments constitutional status and a functional space. However, while market reforms have demolished many previously held outdated notions, the antiquated idea of district administration being handled by an overworked single officer has not been shed. This mindset has become a millstone around the neck of India. The district collector is not a facilitator of development; he or she is a bottleneck. Such a concentration of powers concerning both regulation and service provision in one position is institutionally irrational and administratively inefficient. Also read: Deportations, conversions to waqf, the ever-increasing powers of district magistrates in India A 1980s Karnataka 'model' stands ignored The 15th report of the Second Administrative Reforms Commission did a sample count of the number of committees headed by the district collector in Andhra Pradesh and Assam; the numbers were 50 and 43, respectively. What is more, the commission observed that the list was incomplete and that there may be many more committees of which the collectors themselves may not even be aware. The situation today is probably worse than it was when the ARC report was written 15 years ago. Why does it not strike the IAS that this level of concentration of power is absurd? Do they think they can do justice to all these responsibilities? It is humanly impossible for a district collector to give quality time to all of his or her tasks. Protestations to the contrary apart, and cherry-picked examples notwithstanding, in reality the country suffers because the development of the district is left not to reason but to whimsy. An overloaded officer is left to decide, as he or she sees fit, what the priority area will be for exercising their mind. One reason why the notion that the single position of the district collector is necessary to act as the fulcrum of district development persists is that there are only a few counterfactual examples. In Karnataka, from 1987 to 1992, Chief Minister Ramakrishna Hegde and rural development minister Abdul Nazir Sab directly confronted the IAS's mental block against diminishing the powers of the district collector in their endeavour to establish empowered Zilla Parishads. They made the position of the deputy commissioner junior to that of the chief secretary of the Zilla Parishad, and the former was divested of responsibilities for local development. In spite of dire warnings from the IAS that citizens would be confused and mayhem would ensue from this rejigging of district administration, nothing of the sort happened. On the contrary, people quickly understood the roles assigned to the two officers. The IAS officer senior to the district collector placed as chief secretary of the Zilla Parishad, was answerable to the elected body and worked under the control and supervision of the president of the Zilla Parishad. The creation of dispersed local infrastructure in many sectors accelerated, as local representatives were consulted and contributed to planning and implementation. Local discretion, no longer impeded by state ministers, MLAs, and deputy commissioners, enabled better tailoring of development initiatives to people's needs. Sure enough, this was not liked at all by MLAs, higher-level politicians, and the IAS at large. State-level departments felt disempowered because decisions that had to come to Bangalore were now being taken at the district level. At the earliest opportunity in 1992, when the terms of the elected Zilla Parishads came to a close, the district collector took over as administrator of the Zilla Parishads. Senior officers were once again posted as DMs, and the chief secretary posts of the Zilla Parishads were abolished, replaced by downgraded posts of CEOs. In the eyes of the IAS, the natural order was restored. The example of Karnataka from 1987 to 1992 is now ignored by reformers within the IAS, who intend to reform everything else except their own hallowed institutions. Antipathy to empowered local governments Many IAS officers, articulate and suave as they are, attempt to deflect or diminish their role in fostering the long-standing antipathy to empowered local governments. 'It's not we who are standing in the way of strengthening local governments; higher-level politicians and MLAs are to be blamed, as they stand to lose power,' they say. Let us not be so naïve as to believe that. Throughout one's service, one sees that the majority of IAS officers articulate policies and write up the fine print of centralisation. True, higher-level politicians do not want to devolve power to local governments. But the operational process of such subversion is crafted by IAS wordsmiths. It is they who repeatedly utter the cliché of the 'lack of capacity' of local governments and create parallel structures such as separate societies, mission bodies, companies, and the like—each giving some supervisory role to the district collector and all aimed at bypassing the constitutional intent of devolving local functions to local governments. Ever wonder why Smart City Projects are implemented at the municipal or metropolitan level, not by the elected municipalities, but by a private limited company headed by an IAS officer who is not locally accountable through the municipal body for his actions? That policy is written up by an IAS officer. It is fascinating to observe how deep this suspicion of local power and initiative runs, and how repetitive the weak arguments that IAS officers use to delay or sabotage meaningful devolution of power. Even those with the highest integrity have a blind spot when it comes to sincerely supporting local governments. They argue that decentralisation of power will only result in local elite capture or excessive corruption. This argument is ironic, as it ignores the fact that the IAS itself constitutes a powerful elite, which often looks the other way when higher political levels engage in grave acts of corruption. Another overlooked phenomenon is the political control exercised over the post of the district collector by higher-level politicians. On the one hand, the IAS supports the immense concentration of power in the hands of the district collector. On the other hand, this same post hardly acts independently of the minister or the MLAs. The question to ponder is: if the district collector or any other high-ranking district official is to be subordinated to a political person, why not be subordinated to the Zilla Parishad president or the mayor of the municipal corporation concerned, who is elected from the district to head constitutionally mandated local governments? In what way is that subordination unacceptable when subordination to the minister or MLAs is accepted without question? Sadly, all that I say will continue to be a voice in the wilderness. The paradigm of muscular, personality-oriented leadership is now here to stay, at least in the short term. This leadership style is replicated at every level of government, and the outdated position of the district collector lends itself well to such personality-cult-based leadership. There is no political push for collegiate and participative governance; it doesn't create the grand spectacle of individual leaders striding forward with obedient subjects following them. What needs to be done—establishing truly functional local governments with constitutionally devolved powers—is clear as daylight to everybody. However, in the absence of any real political push for it, all government actions at the district level will remain constrained by the need to be supervised by the district collector. The country will stand to lose, in wasted time. TR Raghunandan is a former IAS officer. Views are personal. (Edited by Prashant)
Hindustan Times
28-05-2025
- Hindustan Times
Bathinda: Dismissed constable sent to 2-day VB remand
A Bathinda district court on Tuesday sent the dismissed Punjab Police senior constable Amandeep Kaur, an accused of a drug trafficking case, to a two-day vigilance bureau remand. The controversial cop was arrested by the vigilance bureau on Monday from Badal village in Muktsar for allegedly amassing assets disproportionate to her known sources of income. She was earlier arrested with 17.7 gm of heroin from Badal Road in Bathinda city on April 2 while driving in a black SUV. Amandeep was released on bail in the case. She was arrested by the VB in a corruption case on Monday. She was produced in the court amid tight security. VB deputy superintendent of police (DSP) Kulwant Singh while speaking to reporters at the court complex that the bureau has secured a warrant to search Amandeep's residence. 'The accused will be produced before the court on May 29. Our team will make a financial assessment of the household belongings of the accused. We are examining the source of the financial transactions made to her bank accounts. As the probe is underway, VB has no further comment to offer at this point,' said the DSP. Properties frozen Earlier in the day, Bathinda district police officials reached the Virat Green Colony in the city to serve an official notice freezing Amandeep's residence. Following a go-ahead from the competent authority, dismissed cops' movable and immovable assets worth ₹1.35 crore have been frozen under the smugglers and foreign exchange manipulators (SAFEM) (Forfeiture of Property) Act. According to the VB, details of her movable and immovable properties acquired between 2018 and 2025 were scrutinised during the investigation along with her salary, bank accounts and loan records. The probe revealed that Kaur had a total income of ₹1.08 crore during the said period while her expenditure stood at ₹1.39 crore which is ₹31 lakh more than her known sources of income, and that amounts to 28.85% beyond her legitimate earnings. A case was registered on May 26 based on these findings under relevant sections of the Prevention of Corruption Act at Vigilance Bureau Police Station Bathinda range.
Wales Online
17-05-2025
- Politics
- Wales Online
'Too many generations have missed out on speaking Welsh... why wait until 2050?'
'Too many generations have missed out on speaking Welsh... why wait until 2050?' A new bill will put a legal duty on schools to ensure all pupils become competent Welsh speakers The bill will legally enshrine the goal of achieving at least a million Welsh speakers (Image: STOKE SENTINEL ) A bill aimed at enhancing Welsh language learning standards has been unanimously approved by the Senedd. The Welsh language education bill, which seeks to ensure all students become proficient in Welsh by the end of compulsory schooling, received unanimous support from Senedd members - but not from Wales Online readers. Welsh language minister Mark Drakeford stated that the bill would provide pupils with opportunities, open doors to employment, grant access to the rich culture of the language, and enable people to use Welsh in their daily lives. He described it as a new chapter in the history of Welsh education. The legislation will establish three categories of schools – primarily Welsh; dual language; and primarily English, partly Welsh – each with its own minimum Welsh education targets. Furthermore, the bill will legally enshrine the goal of achieving at least a million Welsh speakers and set up the National Welsh Language Learning Institute. The Cymraeg 2050 strategy, spearheaded by ministers, aims to double the daily usage of the language by 2050. Mr Drakeford added: "The institute will be the focal point for Welsh learning and it will help in the process of planning to develop the education workforce. Article continues below "It will promote innovation and continuous improvement and will help to raise standards in learning Welsh." Commenter JWV thinks: 'Efforts should be concentrated on raising standards in the important 'core subjects' that pupils need to progress in life.' VetchClock points out: 'Welsh medium and properly bilingual schools out perform similar English Schools. Also, only 5% of English schools take part in the PISA tests compared with 50% of schools in Wales. Statistically (which is how their scores are judged) the comparisons are meaningless. In England pupils have to learn another language which is not indigenous. What is wrong with speaking your own language in your own country? Starmer, Badenoch and Farage insist on it in England.' Goatman agrees: 'Countries which have multi-language skills have higher overall education. Most of Europe speaks English now as a second language so having two languages isn't exactly a burden. Those who think it affects education obviously have no idea about the facts and are anti Welsh English settlers or from parts of Wales like Cardiff and Newport that have completely been multicultural for so long the language has almost disappeared. Most visitors to this country on weekend breaks or holidays are fascinated by our ancient proud language and chuffed we have managed to cling on to it. Wales is a beautiful country with a rich heritage and unique culture so protecting that is an excellent thing to do.' Hughpugh66 retorts: 'Welsh is as far away from International bilingualism as a language could possibly be. The norm is English and French, English and Mandarin, or another well used useful European language.' Inreality states: 'The UK government should step in and represent the people who have no interest in speaking Welsh. This is the work of a dictatorship, the Welsh public should have a say on it or have an option to opt out.' JoseJones says: 'Good luck with it. I don't speak Welsh but I support building back our indigenous language that has been suppressed by the language of business.' Daviesjones agrees: 'Why was this Bill not proposed and passed when the Senedd was first set up? Too many generations have missed out on speaking Welsh since the English set their laws on preventing the language being spoken in schools. Also the migration of Welsh speakers from Welsh speaking areas after WW2 didn't help as the Welsh language was no longer the language spoken at home. "Many people who move to Wales want to learn the language and do so, people from other countries have learned it. Sadly many Welsh people think it is pointless and are apathetic. Why wait until 2050? It should start straight away, it's a well known fact that if someone is bilingual, it is easier for them to learn another language. Welsh is also a phonetic language unlike English so will help many pupils. Welsh is older than English and it should be for ALL not just the few.' Article continues below Hughpugh66 replies: "Disgraceful, there's no freedom of choice here. Give the resources for those wishing to learn Welsh to do so, but the Senedd should be concentrating on improving Welsh children's maths and science skills.' How do you feel about the new Welsh language bill? Will it preserve Welsh as an indigenous language? Have your say in our comments section.
Hindustan Times
16-05-2025
- Health
- Hindustan Times
Hisar doctors booked under PNDT Act acquitted after 19 years
Nineteen years after the criminal case was instituted, the Punjab and Haryana high court has acquitted two directors of a Hisar based diagnostic centre booked under the provisions of Pre Conception and Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection) Act, 1994, over procedural lapses by the local health authorities. 'In the instant case, the complaint was filed by Dr SK Naval alone, and it ought to have been filed by a three-member committee, appointed. The same not having been done, the very complaint itself is not maintainable and therefore, the subsequent proceedings and conviction stands vitiated,' the bench of justice JS Bedi said while acquitting the duo. It was in December 2006, a case under PNDT Act was instituted against the centre, M/s Kamboj Ultrasound and Diagnostic Pvt. Ltd. and two of its directors, Dr Mahender Kamboj and Renu Kamboj. The allegations were of not maintaining the patient record as per the requirement of the law. The local health authorities had acted after news reports of PNDT norm violations. The premises were raided, records seized, and a panel examined the records and found lapses in record keeping. The license of the clinic was suspended, and the civil surgeon wrote to the police to register a criminal case against the clinic and both of its directors. They were convicted by a trial court in January 2008 and Mahender Kamboj was awarded three years jail and Renu Kamboj handed down two years jail. In August 2008 sessions court in Hisar modified their punishment in both the cases as two years. It was against this order that they approached the high court arguing that that the complaint was not filed by a competent authority. It came from the civil surgeon and not from a three-member committee appointed in accordance with the PNDT Act. State's counsel had admitted to the lapse but argued that the case dates back to 2006 and it was in 2014, this court had interpreted Section 17(3)(b) to the effect that the complaint could only be filed by the district appropriate authority which was to be a three-member body. Therefore, prosecutions initiated earlier could not be vitiated, the government had argued. The court observed that the interpretation of a provision relates back to the date of the law itself and cannot be prospective of interpretation of the same by a court. 'When the court decides that the interpretation given to a particular provision earlier was not legal, it declares the law as it stood right from the beginning of its promulgation,' the bench remarked. It added that under Section 17(3)(b) of the Act, the district level appropriate authority is also to be a three-members body. 'Therefore, this interpretation of the law would deem to exist from September 20, 1994 itself i.e. the date of promulgation of the Act,' it clarified.
Time of India
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Confirm appointment of college principal, high court directs Kerala University
Kochi: HC has directed to confirm the provisional appointment of as principal of MSM College, Kayamkulam, which had earlier been denied following an allegation that an SFI leader gained admission to a PG course at the college using a fake degree N Nagaresh issued the order in a petition by Thaha, seeking a directive to the university to approve his appointment. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The issue stemmed from a controversy over the admission of SFI leader Nikhil M Thomas to a PG course using a fake degree certificate purportedly issued by Kalinga University in 2023, while serving as the public information officer of the college under the RTI Act, Thaha responded to an application seeking details of the degree certificate submitted by Thomas. In his reply, he stated that the genuineness of the certificate produced by Thomas could only be verified by Kalinga University. It was later found that the certificate was fake. Following this, the university withdrew its approval for Thaha's appointment as principal-in-charge of the college, alleging that he had acted negligently by not cross-verifying the documents upon receipt of the RTI application. The university also directed the college manager to initiate disciplinary proceedings against plea contended that he had no role in Thomas's admission and that, at the time, another teacher was serving as principal. The university opposed his contentions, arguing that despite receiving RTI applications and having reasons to suspect the authenticity of the certificate, the college authorities failed to act. Meanwhile, HC provisionally directed the university to approve Thaha's appointment by way of an interim order, noting that his selection was made through a due its final order, HC held that as long as no specific complaint regarding a forged document is received, and since the petitioner was not the competent officer to act on such a complaint, a public information officer is under no legal obligation to initiate an investigation. It observed that the RTI Act, particularly Section 7, does not confer such powers or duties on a public information officer. Accordingly, HC directed Kerala University to confirm Thaha's appointment as principal.
