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Khaleej Times
5 days ago
- Politics
- Khaleej Times
New UAE media law: Who needs to comply; offences, fines, all you need to know
As of May 29, a new media law has come into effect in the UAE, ushering in a wide-ranging regulatory framework aimed at fostering responsible media practices, protecting public interest, and promoting social cohesion. The law introduces several detailed provisions that affect how media is produced and shared in the UAE. Here's a clear breakdown of what it covers and what it means for media outlets, influencers, and content creators: What the law aims to do The new law sets out clear media standards to: To whom the law applies The provisions apply to: The law also explicitly offers protection for media professionals, signalling the government's intention to support ethical journalism and influencer work that complies with licencing rules. Who needs to comply? Under the law, the following are clearly within scope: Licenced media outlets (TV, radio, digital, print) Content creators producing promotional or journalistic material within the UAE Influencers earning revenue through content or advertising Foreign correspondents working in the UAE or reporting on the UAE Entities in free zones Offences and fines The law lists a wide range of violations, with fines based on severity and recurrence. Some key examples include: Respect for religion and the state Disrespecting Islamic beliefs or other religions: up to Dh1 million Insulting state symbols or leadership: up to Dh500,000 Undermining national unity or foreign relations: up to Dh250,000 Content-related violations Publishing false information or harmful content: Dh5,000–Dh150,000 Promoting destructive ideas or insulting youth: up to Dh100,000 Inciting criminal behaviour (murder, rape, drug abuse): up to Dh150,000 Licencing violations Operating media activities without a licence: First offence: Dh10,000 Repeated offence: Dh40,000 Practicing additional media activity without approval: First offence: Dh5,000 Repeated offence: Dh16,000 Failure to renew licence within 30 days: Dh150/day, capped at Dh3,000 What should you do to stay compliant? Where can professionals go to get licenced or stay compliant? To help professionals navigate these requirements, the UAE Media Council offers a wide range of licencing and content-related services on its official platform. These services are designed to simplify compliance for individuals and institutions working in media, advertising, and digital content. Licencing and content regulation services include: For institutions and individuals: Licencing for digital media, news platforms, and advertising services Permits for audio/visual blogging and influencer activity Licencing and renewal for visiting individuals creating content in the UAE For content-related activities: Script approvals for theatre, TV, and film Newspaper and magazine distribution permits Publication circulation permits (local and international) Video game and foreign media trading permits Self-monitoring tools for internal content review These services are meant to encourage early compliance and help media workers stay on the right side of the law while continuing to produce quality, responsible content. Services can be explored and applied for at the UAE Media Council website: Who issues the fines? A Media Content Standards Violations Committee will handle enforcement. It is a permanent committee established within the UAE Media Council and composed of 3 to 7 media specialists. Can you appeal a fine? Yes. The law outlines a grievance process:
Mail & Guardian
14-05-2025
- Business
- Mail & Guardian
Failure to disclose affiliations in foreign policy activities demand scrutiny of US Congress
On 29 April 2025, a South African newspaper published After the article was published, Image: Corrected BusinessDay Article ( This was a necessary correction for a couple of reasons. First, MTN Group regularly uses Covington & Burling for legal services. For example, MTN Group is using the firm for legal representation in Second, Schneidman has a personal connection with the MTN Group. He was As a consequence, Schneidman created an ethical situation for Business Day by not disclosing his Covington & Burling connection with MTN Group and the MTN chair. In opinion editorials, it is The problem is that South African newspapers may not be aware that there are A rapid review shows that at least three current or former senior officials at Covington & Burling have published articles on US foreign policy using academic and/or think tank affiliations without a byline disclosure of their affiliation with Covington & Burling. They include Image: CSIS Profile, Covington Profile Of course, Covington & Burling is not the only professional services company The failure to disclose conflicts of interest is At WestExec Advisors, there is a large stable of former US ambassadors who served under the Obama and Biden administrations. Unfortunately, those ambassadors often fail to disclose their affiliation with WestExec Advisors. A rapid review shows that at least six former US ambassadors currently are not disclosing their affiliation with WestExec Advisors in their university and/or think tank profiles. They include ambassadors (retired) To compound matters, ambassador (retired) James Jeffrey served as the chair of the Middle East Program at the Wilson Center until very recently. Like The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Wilson Center Profile for James Jeffrey These findings beg the question of whether US universities and think tanks are doing enough to ensure disclosures of corporate conflicts of interest. The Americas Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) serves as a case in point. A rapid review shows that CSIS is currently failing to disclose the corporate affiliations of at least five current non-resident fellows in the Americas Program. They include These findings should raise flags for Members of Congress. The failure of US universities and think tanks to disclose the corporate affiliations of their non-resident fellows not only undermines public trust. It also raises important questions about whether these organisations should continue to qualify for tax exempt status, especially when some of the corporations are linked to partisan political action committees. The US Congress might therefore want to consider conducting a public inquiry into the conflicts of interest of those who are entrusted to produce national security and foreign policy knowledge within US universities and think tanks. As part of that inquiry, members might want to consider new legislation that would require universities and think tanks to make form-based disclosures and quarterly reports similar to lobbying firms. In the meantime, the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations could take immediate action to address this problem. One way would be to send a formal bipartisan request for information to the Acting Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service, Michael Faulkender, seeking a determination of whether the tax exempt status of any US universities and think tanks is at risk over prior failures to disclose these sorts of conflicts of interest. Michael Walsh is a visiting scholar at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. A full list of his professional affiliations can be found in his
