Latest news with #intra-Palestinian
Egypt Today
26-04-2025
- Politics
- Egypt Today
Hamas delegation in Cairo to discuss vision for ceasefire in Gaza
Destructions caused by Israeli shelling on the Gaza Strip after the end of the 7-day truce- the photo by Photojournlist Hani El Shaer from Gaza CAIRO- 26 April 2025: A delegation from Hamas leaders arrived in Cairo at dawn on Saturday, led by Muhammad Darwish, Chairman of the Hamas Leadership Council, the movement announced in a statement. The delegation includes other council members, among them Khaled Meshaal, Khalil al-Hayya, Zaher Jabarin, and Nizar Awadallah. The delegation members begun meetings with Egyptian officials to present Hamas's vision for a ceasefire, an end to the war, and a prisoner exchange, all within the framework of a comprehensive agreement that includes a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and the reconstruction of the Strip. The delegation will also address the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, focusing on the consequences of the ongoing blockade and the urgent need to deliver food, medicine, and other essential aid to the population of the strip. In addition, discussions will cover efforts to establish a community-based support committee to help administer Gaza, as well as internal Palestinian issues and strategies for addressing them, the statement added. Egypt continues to play a central role as a mediator between Hamas and Israel, with Cairo working closely with regional and international partners to broker a lasting truce and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid to Gaza. Hamas' vision for permanent ceasefire A Palestinian resistance leader told Al-Mayadeen that Hamas has put forward a comprehensive vision for a permanent ceasefire in Gaza, which includes a full prisoner exchange deal. The proposed framework is presented as a single package, encompassing a permanent ceasefire, a complete Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, the lifting of the blockade, and the reconstruction of the territory. Hamas is prepared to commit to a long-term ceasefire lasting five years, backed by regional and international guarantees, the source added. Once a framework agreement is reached, the situation will revert to the conditions prior to March 2. Military operations will cease, Israeli forces will withdraw, and humanitarian aid will be delivered in accordance with agreed-upon protocols. The vision also calls for the establishment of a local administrative body composed of independent technocrats to govern Gaza, with full powers and responsibilities. This proposed administration would be modeled on the Egyptian initiative for a Community Support Committee. Additionally, Hamas' plan includes steps toward building national consensus, in line with previous intra-Palestinian reconcilation agreements, most recently the Beijing Agreement. A total of 51, 495 Palestinians have been killed and 117, 524 others have been injured by Israeli nonstop genocidal war against the Palestinians in the besieged Gaza Strip since October 7, 2023, said the Palestinian Ministry of Health in Gaza on April 26, 2025. Over the past 24 hours, a total of 56 people killed and 108 others were injured by the Israeli forces in the Strip. Israel is applying tremendous pressure on Hamas to achieve Gaza war objectives, including the return of all captives and the dismantling of Hamas' governing and military capabilities. On 18 March, Israel shattered a two-month Gaza ceasefire brokered by Egypt, Qatar, and the US, resuming one the century's bloodiest conflicts. Since then, 2,111 martyrs have been killed and 5483 others injured.
Middle East Eye
25-04-2025
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
Mahmoud Abbas has utterly failed to show leadership at a moment of crisis
Eighteen months into the ongoing genocide in Gaza, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas gave a speech before the Palestinian Central Council this week that - at least superficially - warrants serious attention. His words highlight the depth of the Palestinian tragedy. Israel bears responsibility for the deaths of more than 50,000 Palestinians in Gaza and nearly a thousand more in the occupied West Bank; for the total destruction of Gaza, making its population refugees on their own land; and for the forced displacement of tens of thousands of Palestinians in the West Bank. But Abbas once again chose to use his platform not to call for unity or resistance, but to launch a crude verbal assault on Hamas - this time using language reminiscent of street insults. 'Sons of dogs, just release whoever you're holding and be done with it,' Abbas said, referring to the Israeli hostages still remaining in Gaza. 'Shut down [Israel's] excuses and spare us.' Criticism of Hamas, which is proscribed as a terrorist group in the UK and other countries, and its actions on 7 October 2023 is valid and necessary. There must be a critical and open intra-Palestinian discourse. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters But it is unacceptable that, in the face of the ongoing catastrophe in Gaza, Abbas's primary message is to condemn Hamas, without offering a vision or a plan for Palestinian unity - especially given the existential threats looming over the Palestinian people. Worse still is his manipulation of historical facts to erase his own responsibility for the fragmentation of the Palestinian national movement. It was Abbas who undermined the results of the 2006 elections, supervised by international observers, after Hamas won a majority. The ensuing rift between Fatah and Hamas eventually led to Hamas's takeover of Gaza and the territory's geographic and political division from the West Bank. Deepening alienation Abbas shares equal blame for this split. Whether through agreeing to elections he had no intention of honouring, or by refusing to accept their outcome, his role in the crisis is undeniable. Other Palestinian factions, such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the Palestinian National Initiative, boycotted the session in which Abbas spoke - a testament to the deepening alienation between the president and the broader Palestinian political spectrum. Follow Middle East Eye's live coverage of the Israel-Palestine war Public opinion echoes this sentiment. A September 2024 poll by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research found that in a hypothetical election between three candidates, only six percent of Palestinians would vote for Abbas, compared with 32 percent for Fatah's Marwan Barghouti and 31 percent for Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, who was killed by Israeli forces weeks after the poll was conducted. Even if one were to accept Abbas's narrative blaming Hamas for the Gaza schism, nearly 20 years have passed since the last election. During that time, successive Israeli governments - especially Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's - have strategically used the Palestinian split to prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state. Abbas's narrative that Hamas is to blame for our current predicament absolves both Israel and himself from their shared responsibility in this national catastrophe Why has Abbas not proposed a political plan for reconciliation? If the Palestinian Authority (PA) is meant to represent all Palestinians, then his failure to restore unity is a monumental dereliction of duty. Today, Palestinians are no longer split only into 1948 and 1967 groups; we now face a triple fragmentation of 1948 territories, the occupied West Bank and Gaza. Abbas's speech reflects both an acknowledgment of the real and growing dangers facing Palestinians, and a deliberate denial of the realities on the ground, particularly in the occupied West Bank, before 7 October. This denial helps him avoid accountability for the failure of his political path, as Israel openly declared its intentions to annex and ethnically cleanse parts of the West Bank well before the Gaza war. In 2022 alone, under the so-called 'unity government' of Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett, more than 1,000 Palestinians in the occupied West Bank were displaced and around 150 were killed, including dozens of minors. Settlement expansion continued unabated. Palestinian prisoners suffered worsening conditions. Al-Aqsa Mosque remained under threat. Regardless of the Palestinian political situation, Israel has veered sharply rightwards over the past decade. Despite close security coordination between the PA and Israel - with Palestinian security forces even raiding refugee camps - and Abbas offering no serious plan to counter settler violence, Israel has steadily moved to render the Palestinian issue obsolete through de facto annexation. 'No future in Palestine' To understand Israel's strategy, one needs only to revisit a 2017 policy document by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, which called to dismantle refugee camps, weaken the PA, encourage 'voluntary emigration' (a euphemism for expulsion), and break any chance of territorial contiguity for a Palestinian state. The despair now visible across the occupied West Bank - with billboards and graffiti funded by Israeli campaigns declaring: 'You have no future in Palestine' - was envisioned long before 7 October. Framing Israeli policies as mere reactions to 7 October flattens the discourse and allows Israel to justify its ongoing atrocities on the global stage. Even when a deal was within reach - including a Gaza ceasefire, a phased return of all hostages and an Israeli withdrawal of troops - Israel violated the terms. Hostage families themselves have accused Netanyahu of sabotaging the deal and endangering their loved ones. Mahmoud Abbas is in his final act as betrayer of the Palestinian cause Read More » Israel then uses these justifications to expel tens of thousands of people from the occupied West Bank, shut down Unrwa schools, and withhold the PA's tax funds. Abbas's narrative that Hamas is to blame for our current predicament absolves both Israel and himself from their shared responsibility in this national catastrophe. What was even more puzzling about Abbas's speech was his call for Hamas to lay down its arms and hand over control of Gaza to the PA. In other words, the only legitimate arms would be those held by Palestinian security forces, and the PA would work with Egypt to rebuild Gaza. It's not the proposal itself that is puzzling - on the contrary, it makes sense - but rather the expectation that Israel would allow Fatah or the PA to return to Gaza, given that Netanyahu himself declared as recently as February: 'On the day after the war in Gaza, there will be no Hamas and no Palestinian Authority.' He added that he was 'committed' to US President Donald Trump's plan 'to create a different Gaza'. The Abbas speech was tragic, especially since he leads the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), the historic body officially recognised as the representative of the Palestinian people. Once a unifying force, the PLO now presides over a fractured movement. The boycott of Abbas's council meeting by key factions reflects this unprecedented crisis. In the face of real and imminent threats of mass expulsion, especially in Gaza but also in the occupied West Bank, Palestinians need their leaders to be unifiers, not dividers. Abbas had a platform to call for unity and resistance in the face of Israeli war crimes. Instead, he chose vilification and denial. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
Middle East Eye
25-04-2025
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
Mahmoud Abbas chose division at a moment when Palestinians need unity
Eighteen months into the ongoing genocide in Gaza, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas gave a speech before the Palestinian Central Council this week that - at least superficially - warrants serious attention. His words highlight the depth of the Palestinian tragedy. Israel bears responsibility for the deaths of more than 50,000 Palestinians in Gaza and nearly a thousand more in the occupied West Bank; for the total destruction of Gaza, making its population refugees on their own land; and for the forced displacement of tens of thousands of Palestinians in the West Bank. But Abbas once again chose to use his platform not to call for unity or resistance, but to launch a crude verbal assault on Hamas - this time using language reminiscent of street insults. 'Sons of dogs, just release whoever you're holding and be done with it,' Abbas said, referring to the Israeli hostages still remaining in Gaza. 'Shut down [Israel's] excuses and spare us.' Criticism of Hamas, which is proscribed as a terrorist group in the UK and other countries, and its actions on 7 October 2023 is valid and necessary. There must be a critical and open intra-Palestinian discourse. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters But it is unacceptable that, in the face of the ongoing catastrophe in Gaza, Abbas's primary message is to condemn Hamas, without offering a vision or a plan for Palestinian unity - especially given the existential threats looming over the Palestinian people. Worse still is his manipulation of historical facts to erase his own responsibility for the fragmentation of the Palestinian national movement. It was Abbas who undermined the results of the 2006 elections, supervised by international observers, after Hamas won a majority. The ensuing rift between Fatah and Hamas eventually led to Hamas's takeover of Gaza and the territory's geographic and political division from the West Bank. Deepening alienation Abbas shares equal blame for this split. Whether through agreeing to elections he had no intention of honouring, or by refusing to accept their outcome, his role in the crisis is undeniable. Other Palestinian factions, such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the Palestinian National Initiative, boycotted the session in which Abbas spoke - a testament to the deepening alienation between the president and the broader Palestinian political spectrum. Follow Middle East Eye's live coverage of the Israel-Palestine war Public opinion echoes this sentiment. A September 2024 poll by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research found that in a hypothetical election between three candidates, only six percent of Palestinians would vote for Abbas, compared with 32 percent for Fatah's Marwan Barghouti and 31 percent for Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, who was killed by Israeli forces weeks after the poll was conducted. Even if one were to accept Abbas's narrative blaming Hamas for the Gaza schism, nearly 20 years have passed since the last election. During that time, successive Israeli governments - especially Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's - have strategically used the Palestinian split to prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state. Abbas's narrative that Hamas is to blame for our current predicament absolves both Israel and himself from their shared responsibility in this national catastrophe Why has Abbas not proposed a political plan for reconciliation? If the Palestinian Authority (PA) is meant to represent all Palestinians, then his failure to restore unity is a monumental dereliction of duty. Today, Palestinians are no longer split only into 1948 and 1967 groups; we now face a triple fragmentation of 1948 territories, the occupied West Bank and Gaza. Abbas's speech reflects both an acknowledgment of the real and growing dangers facing Palestinians, and a deliberate denial of the realities on the ground, particularly in the occupied West Bank, before 7 October. This denial helps him avoid accountability for the failure of his political path, as Israel openly declared its intentions to annex and ethnically cleanse parts of the West Bank well before the Gaza war. In 2022 alone, under the so-called 'unity government' of Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett, more than 1,000 Palestinians in the occupied West Bank were displaced and around 150 were killed, including dozens of minors. Settlement expansion continued unabated. Palestinian prisoners suffered worsening conditions. Al-Aqsa Mosque remained under threat. Regardless of the Palestinian political situation, Israel has veered sharply rightwards over the past decade. Despite close security coordination between the PA and Israel - with Palestinian security forces even raiding refugee camps - and Abbas offering no serious plan to counter settler violence, Israel has steadily moved to render the Palestinian issue obsolete through de facto annexation. 'No future in Palestine' To understand Israel's strategy, one needs only to revisit a 2017 policy document by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, which called to dismantle refugee camps, weaken the PA, encourage 'voluntary emigration' (a euphemism for expulsion), and break any chance of territorial contiguity for a Palestinian state. The despair now visible across the occupied West Bank - with billboards and graffiti funded by Israeli campaigns declaring: 'You have no future in Palestine' - was envisioned long before 7 October. Framing Israeli policies as mere reactions to 7 October flattens the discourse and allows Israel to justify its ongoing atrocities on the global stage. Even when a deal was within reach - including a Gaza ceasefire, a phased return of all hostages and an Israeli withdrawal of troops - Israel violated the terms. Hostage families themselves have accused Netanyahu of sabotaging the deal and endangering their loved ones. Mahmoud Abbas is in his final act as betrayer of the Palestinian cause Read More » Israel then uses these justifications to expel tens of thousands of people from the occupied West Bank, shut down Unrwa schools, and withhold the PA's tax funds. Abbas's narrative that Hamas is to blame for our current predicament absolves both Israel and himself from their shared responsibility in this national catastrophe. What was even more puzzling about Abbas's speech was his call for Hamas to lay down its arms and hand over control of Gaza to the PA. In other words, the only legitimate arms would be those held by Palestinian security forces, and the PA would work with Egypt to rebuild Gaza. It's not the proposal itself that is puzzling - on the contrary, it makes sense - but rather the expectation that Israel would allow Fatah or the PA to return to Gaza, given that Netanyahu himself declared as recently as February: 'On the day after the war in Gaza, there will be no Hamas and no Palestinian Authority.' He added that he was 'committed' to US President Donald Trump's plan 'to create a different Gaza'. The Abbas speech was tragic, especially since he leads the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), the historic body officially recognised as the representative of the Palestinian people. Once a unifying force, the PLO now presides over a fractured movement. The boycott of Abbas's council meeting by key factions reflects this unprecedented crisis. In the face of real and imminent threats of mass expulsion, especially in Gaza but also in the occupied West Bank, Palestinians need their leaders to be unifiers, not dividers. Abbas had a platform to call for unity and resistance in the face of Israeli war crimes. Instead, he chose vilification and denial. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
Asharq Al-Awsat
23-04-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
New Proposals Revive Push to Resume Gaza Truce Talks
Mediators are working to break the deadlock in stalled negotiations over a renewed ceasefire in the Gaza Strip, as a Hamas delegation arrived in Cairo to discuss what sources described as 'new ideas for de-escalation.' The diplomatic push comes as Israel's security cabinet convenes to review developments on the hostages taken by Hamas, and ahead of a potential visit by US President Donald Trump to the region next month, a move that could inject fresh momentum into the faltering talks, sources familiar with the matter told Asharq Al-Awsat. Efforts to resume the truce have intensified since a ceasefire agreement collapsed on March 18. Four previous proposals to restore calm have failed, but sources said the latest Egyptian-mediated initiative may pave the way for a temporary lull that could evolve into a broader ceasefire. Hamas will present a new proposal in Cairo that includes a five-point plan for a long-term ceasefire in Gaza, featuring a comprehensive prisoner exchange and regional and international guarantees, a source told Asharq Al-Awsat. The Hamas official, who spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the discussions, said the plan envisions a deal for the release of all Israeli captives in exchange for an agreed number of Palestinian prisoners. The proposal also calls for a permanent ceasefire, a full withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip, reconstruction of the war-ravaged territory, and a complete lifting of the blockade. According to the source, Hamas is also prepared to commit to a five-year truce under international and regional oversight, should the proposal gain traction. Hamas is set to present a detailed five-point framework in Cairo, including a long-term truce and a comprehensive prisoner swap, aimed at ending the war in Gaza and restoring stability, they told Asharq Al-Awsat. The third point in the proposal calls for an immediate return to the situation prior to March 2, 2025, if the framework is approved. This includes a halt to military operations, Israeli troop withdrawal to positions held under the January 17 agreement, and the entry of humanitarian aid in line with a pre-agreed protocol. The fourth clause proposes the formation of a local committee of independent technocrats to fully administer Gaza, in accordance with Egypt's earlier suggestion for a community support council. The fifth and final point reaffirms Hamas' willingness to engage in a broader Palestinian national reconciliation based on previous intra-Palestinian agreements - most recently the 2024 Beijing accord. A Hamas delegation departed Doha for Cairo on Tuesday to discuss the new ceasefire proposal, a senior Hamas official told AFP. Meanwhile, the BBC quoted a senior Palestinian official as saying that Egyptian and Qatari mediators have put forward a serious new proposal for ending the war, involving a ceasefire lasting between five and seven years, the release of all Israeli captives in exchange for Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails, a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, and an official end to the conflict. The last ceasefire collapsed on March 18 when Israel resumed airstrikes in the Gaza Strip and refused to enter the second phase of a previously agreed roadmap. Multiple joint proposals from Egypt, Israel, and the United States in March and early April failed to bridge the divide between the warring parties. Hamas is stepping up diplomatic efforts to rally support for its proposed comprehensive ceasefire deal, days after receiving an Israeli proposal for a temporary truce via Egyptian mediators, Egyptian sources told Cairo News Channel last week. While Hamas did not explicitly reject the Israeli plan, which called for a short-term cessation of hostilities followed by negotiations toward a permanent ceasefire, the group responded with a televised statement demanding a broader agreement. Hamas accused Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of using partial deals for political gain while failing to commit to ending the war. The Hamas delegation's visit to Cairo follows talks in Ankara on Sunday between senior Hamas official Mohammed Darwish and Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan. Two Hamas sources told Asharq Al-Awsat on Monday that the group is seeking Türkiye's backing to convey its comprehensive deal to the Trump administration, citing strong ties between the two. Hamas' diplomatic push comes amid growing international pressure to halt the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Gaza. Political science professor Tarek Fahmy, an expert in Palestinian and Israeli affairs, said the Hamas delegation's visit is part of ongoing efforts to present new ideas for a ceasefire. Fahmy noted that while the concept of a long-term truce is not new, current mediation efforts are focused on achieving a temporary ceasefire, securing the release of as many hostages and Palestinian prisoners as possible, and presenting Hamas with options to end the war - even under pressure - in order to stop the worsening crisis in the enclave. 'Hamas has limited options,' Fahmy said, pointing to the group's diplomatic maneuvers amid Israel's intensified military campaign, which he said has resulted in Israeli forces taking control of around 40% of Gaza. Israel has not publicly commented on the latest mediation proposal, but Israeli Channel 12 reported that the country's security cabinet held a meeting on Tuesday to discuss the issue of hostages. An Israeli delegation arrived in Cairo on Sunday evening and held talks the next day with mediators in a bid to break the deadlock in negotiations with Hamas over a ceasefire and the release of hostages held in Gaza, The Times of Israel reported on Tuesday. Egypt has not disclosed details of the latest diplomatic efforts, but Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty discussed the situation with his Lebanese counterpart, Abdallah Bou Habib, in Cairo on Tuesday. According to a statement from Egypt's foreign ministry, the talks focused on 'efforts to resume implementation of the Gaza ceasefire agreement to support de-escalation and restore the flow of humanitarian and relief aid into the Strip.' Fahmy said the recent developments reflect a renewed push by Egypt and Qatar to secure a breakthrough in the stalled talks. He suggested a deal could be reached before Trump's expected visit to the region next month.
Boston Globe
17-02-2025
- Politics
- Boston Globe
Palestinian displacement in the West Bank is highest since 1967, experts say
Many of the displaced are the descendants of refugees who were expelled or fled from their homes during the wars surrounding the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. The renewed displacement, even if temporary, raises painful memories of the central trauma in Palestinian history. Advertisement While roughly 3,000 have returned home, most remain homeless after more than three weeks — a bigger displacement than during a similar Israeli campaign in the West Bank in 2002, according to two Palestinian and two Israeli experts on the history of the West Bank. That year, troops raided several cities at the height of a Palestinian uprising, known as the second intifada, which began with protests before leading to a surge in Palestinian attacks on civilians in Israel. The current numbers also dwarf the displacement during intra-Palestinian clashes earlier this year, when up to 1,000 residents of Jenin left their homes, according to a residents' leadership council there. As in 2002, some of those displaced during this new campaign will have no home to return to. The Israeli military has demolished scores of buildings in the areas it has invaded, ripping up roads, water pipes, and power lines to destroy what it says are booby traps set by militants. Advertisement The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said water and sanitation systems had been destroyed in four dense urban neighborhoods, known as refugee camps because they house people displaced in 1948 and their descendants. It added that some water infrastructure had been contaminated with sewage. 'We've reached a point where the refugee camps are out of order,' said Hakeem Abu Safiye, who oversees emergency services in the Tulkarem camp. 'They are uninhabitable. Even if the army pulls out, we are not sure what will be left to repair.' The full scale of the damage is unclear because the military is still operating in most of the areas it has invaded, but the United Nations has already recorded severe damage to more than 150 homes in Jenin. By early February, the Israeli military had acknowledged blowing up at least 23 buildings, but it has declined to confirm the latest number of demolished structures. 'The soldiers are taking over one area after another, destroying homes, infrastructure, and roads,' said Ramy Abu Siriye, 53, a barber forced to flee his home in Tulkarem on Jan. 27, the first day of the Israeli operation there. A spokesperson for the Israeli military, Colonel Nadav Shoshani, said the military's goal was to root out militant groups, including Hamas, that launch terrorist attacks on Israeli civilians. 'The purpose of the operations is to prevent terror from places a few kilometers from Jewish communities and to prevent a repeat of Oct. 7,' Shoshani said, referring to the Hamas-led attack on Israel in October 2023 that killed up to 1,200 people and led to the abduction of some 250 people. Shoshani acknowledged that in some cases people had been ordered to leave specific buildings close to what he said were militant hideouts. But more generally, Shoshani denied any wider policy of 'forced evacuation or displacement of Palestinians,' he said. 'If people want to move around, they are obviously allowed to.' Advertisement But displaced Palestinians said that in both Jenin and Tulkarem they were instructed to leave by soldiers who used loudspeakers to make general evacuation orders. 'We had to leave the camp — the army threatened to shoot at us,' said Aws Khader, 29, a supermarket owner who fled Tulkarem on Jan. 27. 'They used megaphones, ordering people to leave or be shot.' Asked for comment on this and similar incidents, the military repeated in a statement that no evacuation orders had been issued, but that all those who wished to leave had been provided with safe passage. This article originally appeared in .
