Latest news with #post-Pulwama
Express Tribune
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
A nasty and dangerous phase
Listen to article The fragile ceasefire between Pakistan and India may remain intact, but tension is far from over. The two nuclear-armed neighbours, with a long history of wars and military standoffs, are now entering a new, far more perilous phase in their relationship. Consider the post-Pulwama episode of February 2019. Despite India's airstrikes on Balakot and Pakistan's swift military response, tensions were de-escalated relatively quickly. Diplomatic ties, though briefly strained, were soon normalised. Borders remained open, and even the Indus Waters Treaty — often cited as a pressure point — was not weaponised. In fact, weeks after the military standoff, then-Prime Minister Imran Khan went so far as to express a preference for Modi's re-election, believing a hardliner like him might finally resolve the deadlock. That assumption, however, was wrong. Today, the landscape is starkly different. After the Pahalgam attack, India took a series of unprecedented steps. It suspended the IWT for the first time since 1960, closed the Wagah-Attari border, expelled military advisers, reduced diplomatic staff, and ordered all Pakistani nationals to leave the country. Pakistan responded in kind. Then came the events of May 6th and 7th. In a dramatic escalation, India launched missile and drone strikes deep into Pakistani territory. For the first time, the world witnessed an exchange of missiles and drones between two nuclear powers. What made matters worse was the disinformation campaign run by Indian media. On the eve of Pakistan's counter-strike to India's so-called Operation Sindoor, Indian news outlets spread false reports — claims of Karachi Port being bombed, Indian forces entering Lahore, and even the Indian flag flying over Islamabad. These fabrications were quickly debunked by international media, which confirmed that India's attempts to set a new normal had failed. Notably, the downing of advanced Rafael jets by Pakistan remains a hot topic in global defence circles — one India refuses to acknowledge, citing vaguely that "losses are part of combat." The broader implications of this latest flare-up are deeply troubling. Pakistan and India appear poised for their most dangerous confrontation yet. Frustrated by setbacks and international apathy, Prime Minister Modi is doubling down on aggressive diplomacy. India has dispatched bipartisan delegations worldwide to present its narrative, while simultaneously pushing for Pakistan's diplomatic and economic isolation. One telling move came just days after the conflict: Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar's visit to the Netherlands. This was no routine stopover. The Dutch have played a key role in strengthening Pakistan's maritime security, including supplying mine-hunters and offshore patrol vessels. India's goal was clear: pressure the Dutch to halt such cooperation. Similar efforts are underway with Pakistan's other economic and defence partners. India is also believed to be leaning heavily on regional allies to discourage any financial or strategic collaboration with Islamabad. There are signs that India is lobbying behind closed doors, using economic leverage and diplomatic influence to corner Pakistan multilaterally. Pakistan on the other hand is actively pursuing its own game plan. Together with its close allies and international partners, Islamabad is making efforts to nullify New Delhi's campaign. Despite limited resources and other challenges, Pakistan has demonstrated it could take on India both on the battlefield and diplomatic front. While India is struggling to find answers to its miscalculation, Pakistan is looking to take advantage of the opportunity its eastern neighbour has thrown at it. The decision-makers in Rawalpindi and Islamabad, however, must not be complacent. India will not take this defeat lightly. It would resort to both covert and overt actions to undermine Pakistan. The coming months could well see the region descend into a new and even more volatile chapter — one that might push South Asia closer to a conflict of unprecedented scale.
News18
19-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
Operation Sindoor's Lesson: Assertiveness Is Just Step One For A ‘Viksit Bharat'
Last Updated: The road to 'Viksit Bharat' requires not just a robust security posture, but a concerted effort to bolster our military, economy, and national character from within War scenarios, as elucidated in the previous part, have remained viable. However, there is a paradigm shift towards terrorist attacks and 'dousing the fire' tactics being employed by Pakistan—limiting the window of opportunity for Bharat, while allowing it to raise the stakes for Pakistan. Terror Attacks Since 2014 And Bharat's Response In recent times, the scale of skirmishes with Pakistan has reduced, and we now mostly witness an active Line of Control (LoC). Pakistan's attempts—though diminished—persist in conducting terrorist attacks and furthering its nefarious plans of Islamist jihad in the heartland of Bharat, albeit through misinformation and propaganda fuelling such dastardly endeavours. The smart fence along the LoC has greatly hampered Pakistan's terror designs. Its increasing reliance on Over-Ground Workers (OGWs) and sleeper cells has, in a way, worked to our advantage, as Bharat continues to eliminate these hidden terrorists and hunt them down. The typical pattern—from letting attacks happen, to striking back tactically, to eventually engaging in dialogue under pressure from global opinion—has now shifted. We have developed adequate punitive responses for Pakistan, as seen after the Uri attack through surgical strikes, post-Pulwama air operations, and now during Operation Sindoor. In all three instances, Bharat targeted terror camps and infrastructure in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK); but Operation Sindoor went further, striking terrorist headquarters in mainland Pakistan. The propensity and immunity with which these strikes were conducted demonstrate a range of mechanisms available to inflict damage with precision and restraint—minimising collateral damage while earning global appreciation. With each such strike, the lethality, precision, and psychological toll on Pakistan have increased, raising serious questions around red lines, nuclear intent and capability, and the escalation ladder—all tools of tantrum Pakistan had previously used to deter Bharat from taking such actions. Had Operation Sindoor continued for another two or three days beyond 10 May 2025, it is likely Pakistan would have been severely crippled—facing deeper restraint from global powers. One can never be sure when 'enough is enough', but this time, in the aftermath of the Pahalgam terrorist attack, Pakistan was saved due to a leak, which embarrassed its funders and suppliers alike. What Does Bharat Need To Do? Given the narration thus far, it is evident that we have evolved as a nation in our resolve to punish Pakistan for its terrorism and misadventures. We are now better prepared to take punitive action, and much of global opinion stands with us. However, we still face a handicap in perception warfare. Bharat's growth invites envy, and some global actors continue to sustain the Pakistani proxy they once created—arming and supporting terror networks that mushroomed from its soil. Only now is the snake they nurtured beginning to bite the world at large. Are we truly superior to Pakistan? Have we fully neutralised terrorism emanating from its territory? Do we possess conventional military superiority? Will those who use Pakistan as a proxy arm it further against Bharat? Can we count on the USA and China as friends? Can the European Union be trusted blindly? Who are our all-weather allies with whom we can co-develop better military hardware and software? Will Pakistan resort to nuclear weapons—and what can we do in such a case? How much can our economy sustain in the event of a war? Are we truly invincible against Pakistan? There are many lingering questions, and much cannot be answered in black and white, as probabilities and scenarios are multiple—and in some cases, mutually exclusive. However, the last question above does have a definite answer, and that is a firm no. And since that emphatic 'no' exists, we need to introspect and carve a pathway to strengthen our national power for the future. What are our deficiencies, lacunae, and gaps? One can write about them separately. But given the highlights we have already examined in this paper—across the three scenarios and feasible actions during terrorist strikes—particularly in the context of declarations made by Bharat during Operation Sindoor, such as: that 'no first use' is not mandatory, and that any terrorist attack or proxy war will be construed as an 'Act Of War', Bharat has significant latitude to respond—and at its discretion. Let me briefly outline what Bharat can and ought to do across various domains of national power: A. Military Capacity Enhancement Bharat is two decades behind China in military preparedness and is not adequately poised for a two- or three-front war, despite such scenarios being increasingly plausible. Given the wide range of terrain conditions in which we must operate—especially for ground forces—we need to develop the following capabilities: Enhanced and modern operational infrastructure, including administrative systems, along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) on the Tibetan Plateau, the Line of Control (LoC), and the international borders (IB) with Pakistan and Bangladesh. Modernisation of ground forces with upgraded equipment, weapons, personal gear, surveillance tools, electronic warfare (EW) capabilities, cyber-awareness, air defence (AD) systems, and the ability to operate in a nuclear environment or 'fight dirty'. Co-development of sixth-generation aircraft, alongside increased production of indigenised systems. Bharat should also continue imports with adequate service, parts, tools, and accessories (SPTA) support from countries like Russia and France to maintain and enhance the current fleet. This includes modernising the Indian Air Force (IAF) with advanced AD and EW capabilities. Co-develop or domestically manufacture at least five additional aircraft carrier fleets equipped with indigenous hardware, weapon systems, missiles, and aircraft—targeted for completion within the next 5 to 10 years. Leverage home-grown technologies to strengthen the missile arsenal, including multi-range delivery systems across all three services, while achieving sufficient tactical nuclear capability. Mechanise at least two-thirds of the current infantry, excluding glaciated and high-altitude areas where manoeuvre warfare is infeasible. This mechanisation initiative was originally envisioned during General K. Sundarji's tenure as Chief of Army Staff, but it came to a grinding halt due to economic constraints, bureaucratic indecision, and military leadership's inability to press forward. This failure has severely limited our offensive options and constrained us within the ambit of a nuclear deterrence posture. Pakistan possesses nuclear capabilities and is willing to employ tactical nuclear weapons. To match and deter this threat effectively, Bharat needs mechanised forces capable of transporting troops safely into battle under nuclear-threat conditions. Failure to achieve this may eventually lead to disaster in a future conventional conflict—an outcome we have so far managed to avoid, and deter our enemies from initiating. However, by the next decade or so, that strategic advantage may erode, especially as Pakistan's armed forces receive a fresh infusion of modern weapon systems—whether through proxies or directly from countries such as the USA and China, among others. B. Perception Warfare For a long time, we have been shy of creating assets that are useful not only for perception management but also have the capability to network and interact globally to gain better and faster intelligence. Bharat must work on a holistic Perception Warfare Department under HQ Integrated Defence Staff with elements of military, cyber experts, internal security agencies, PMF, intelligence agencies, MEA with its embassies across the world, industry, polity, media, diaspora, ISRO, NTRO, veterans from diverse fields as needed, friendly foreign countries on laid-down terms, etc. Reviving the Technical Support Division (TSD), or a similar organisation, and not being politically correct about it, should be a stance. This will be beneficial to create assets, conduct covert operations, curb and pre-empt terrorist activities, including targeting terrorists and their handlers deep inside enemy territories, and more unconventional tasks, as necessary. Striking the enemy and eliminating leadership must be an ongoing process and that calls for specialisation without interference; albeit with due checks and reporting to the highest offices, as needed. In Pakistan, we have a failed state that thrives on extreme Islamist ideology, and to defeat such a country, it needs more and constant degradation of its intent and breaking it into pieces, such that constant turmoil grips it within and along other borders too. We also need to cleanse within the 'anti-national algae' that grows and mushrooms with support from foreign inimicals. We must create avenues to support teams and groups operating in Bharat and abroad financially, such that we are able to reach out to think tanks, world bodies and agencies, and people who matter, to influence events—and post-events too. Funding a group of diaspora in the UK, USA, Canada, etc. will be useful in the long run. C. Developing National Fibre And Fortitude Bharat, as we know it today, is fragmented with shades of citizens, ranging from nationalists to wokes to anti-nationals. While the first and the last are discernible and can be acted upon with firmness, the woke need special attention, as most are from the current generation of teenagers up to those in their 30s—who have been fed with a version of history that doesn't build enough pride, and where Western influences have been subtly infused through many aspects. Our education system, as such, needs major refinement and changes, and unless that is done, we are on a time-curve of doomsday, so far as moral and nationalistic fibre is concerned. Our nation also needs to develop fortitude in difficult times and be able to appreciate the intentions of enemies, their tactics, media negativity, and the influence of agencies and institutions—including educational ones—and even comments made by other governments. One can appreciate the grooming of a young Israeli and their fortitude to return from safer places like the USA, etc., to fight and contribute in an armed conflict in Gaza, post the 7/10 attacks on their soil by Hamas. A nation has to be made strong internally, and that takes generations—but weakening it takes just a few decades. The 'Gurukul' system was effective as it trained scholar-warriors and nationalists, and our modern syllabus needs to be ingrained with teachings that foster national pride and commitment. D. Pathway Of 'Atmanirbhar Bharat' It is an absolutely critical necessity that we promote and produce weapons and fighting support systems in Bharat. At best, we should have co-development cases with friendly countries only—Russia and Israel, to reiterate, are the ones we must trust. All imports through COTS (Commercial Off The Shelf) procurement should be minimal and strictly stipulated for manufacturing in Bharat within a specific timeframe, such that we force ourselves to develop a competitive technological edge in that domain at the earliest. iDEX and similar platforms need to be adequately funded to enable proper scale-ups, without these companies getting funded by foreign entities. Allied industries that support military hardware, software, and related products must also be indigenous. E. Curating Geographical Advantage In many places—especially along the LoC—we are at a position of disadvantage. Given the fact that we have a right to our territories in PoK, and also that Pakistan has recently suspended the Shimla Agreement, we need to have a 'roll-on plan' to nibble territories, with a view to improving our defensive posture along the LoC. These sporadic to limited offensive actions during the year will serve as a caution to Pakistan and reduce infiltration attempts, as some calculated aggression is carried out across the LoC by Bharat. F. Encourage Diversified Population Growth In Kashmir Kashmir has been the focal point of Pakistan's funding, terrorism, and more—under the garb of Islamic caliphate and its own misplaced claims of sovereignty. Kashmir is an integral part of Bharat, and the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits remains a blot on the then government and military leadership, which let mayhem prevail. It is time to undo that error and ensure that people and businesses move into Kashmir so that the population becomes more heterogeneous. With a bounty of minerals and rare earths, it is incumbent upon Bharat to ensure that normalcy in Kashmir is such that the cost of meddling there for Pakistan is equivalent to striking New Delhi. Therefore, state a plan and stick to it—irrespective of which political party governs Delhi or Srinagar. Do not let Pakistan see Kashmir as a demography that suits its ideological battles. G. Economic Surge With Security: Nothing Else Matters in the 21st Century Bharat is on a pathway of transition—from a developing to a developed nation—and the call for 'Viksit Bharat' by 2047 by the Prime Minister mandates a relentless economic growth curve, with all dimensions of security aligned to support that enviable progress. Development in infrastructure, healthcare, education, energy, defence, enabling technologies and more is critical to sustain the needs and aspirations of 1.4 billion plus, who will likely grow to 1.85 billion by 2070—a timeline by which Bharat intends to become a net-zero country. All of this requires high investments, best practices, collaborations, and strategic choices. Bharat must make the right partnerships with friendly countries and lead the conversation on investments. At the same time, rivals like Pakistan, an envious China, and others will count—and attempt to slow Bharat down. Bharat must optimise its internal economy and generate funds domestically to support growth and better standards of living for its citizens. Ignoring minor skirmishes unless absolutely necessary for escalation should be the norm. Punitive actions must be brief, effective, and well communicated—to limit enemy countermeasures. H. Societal Stability And National Ideology Frequent infighting and political bickering have devastated Bharat since the Mughal invasions and British rule, where divide-and-rule policies prevailed. Even today, petty politics continues to divide Bharat on caste, language, income, and more—ushering in asymptotic clichés, weakening the societal fabric, and even deriding Bharat abroad, as we have seen with politicians who hold responsible positions and are privy to sensitive information. We must observe the declining fabric of societies like the UK and USA, where wokeism has stripped them of their values, and the edifice of their governance has been weakened. Bharat has rich civilisational roots, but their deterioration in recent decades has been alarming. The current generations have not contributed enough towards its revival. We need to push a 'restart button' for our education system and its ingrained philosophy—such that we preserve the best from our past, suitably enabled by the virtues of the present, especially in technology and future sciences. We must build a national ideology that is overwhelming and empowering for future citizens and the diaspora. Institutions like RSS can do more in the service of Bharat and help bring together like-minded individuals who can shape and steer the course for a better, bolder, and beautiful Bharat. I. Leadership Through Acumen Bharat must create systems within systems that support a long-term vision of prosperity and peace—defined by clear targets and enforced where necessary. While the basic polity is based on elections and bureaucracy is run by cadre, there is a strong case—just like RSS benefits from the advice of luminaries—that the government must build attached structures to bring in experts, and fill the Rajya Sabha with citizens who will work more and enjoy privileges less. The experiment of appointing Joint Secretaries from the private sector under Team Modi proved successful, with significant contributions made in the ministries where they served. We must extend this idea and introduce more lateral leadership, even up to the level of secretaries. The cushy, assured promotion and growth enjoyed by the bureaucracy must come to an end. We must promote excellence from the vast pool of citizens—including veterans from diverse fields. No public sector organisation guarantees promotions and growth like the IAS cadre. While politicians must fight elections and other institutions advance through merit, IAS operates by its own benchmark—one that must be dismantled and replaced with a new one soon. J. Make Military Elite And Wanted A nation is only as strong and resilient as its military. In Bharat, the status of the military has been constantly downgraded, and the parity with other services like the IAS and IPS is rather humiliating—the warrant of precedence only adds to the agony. Gone are the days when the military was schooled to ignore 'small things' in the belief that it had a larger role to play. The attraction of youth towards military service has declined, and the shortage of officers tells its own story. It is quite disheartening to see a Lieutenant General salute and call 'Sir' someone who is 25 per cent junior in service and stature—while even an MLA believes himself to be larger than a Corps Commander. This anomaly, which is well-known and well-established, must be corrected soon—and no compromise should be acceptable to the polity. Operation Sindoor is also an example of how sluggishness sets in during decision-making, and how military commanders often appear to be mere pawns within the larger national structure. Since the time of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, and without exception, the respect and remuneration afforded to the soldier has been craftily degraded by the bureaucracy—with the polity consenting to this erosion. It seems that, over the decades since independence, the bureaucracy (including IAS and IPS) has usurped power by staying close to the polity, while the soldier who defends the nation has slowly become a 'stranger in town'. Bharat now stands at the cusp of becoming a developed nation—powerful across all dimensions of national power—and Operation Sindoor signals where we ought to be militarily. But truth be told, we are still far from where we need to be in terms of military capacities. As a nation with the aspirations and dreams of 1.4+ billion citizens, we cannot afford to be second-best militarily—not as the largest democracy on Earth. We must collectively envision a stronger and surer Bharat—and do more for our nation, our Bharat. top videos View all Jai Hind! Colonel Rohit Dev, a 2nd Generation Army Officer, is an Adjunct Professor at the Rashtriya Raksha University, a geopolitical analyst and a primetime TV personality. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : Indian military Operation Sindoor pahalgam terror attack Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: May 19, 2025, 12:41 IST News opinion Opinion | Operation Sindoor's Lesson: Assertiveness Is Just Step One For A 'Viksit Bharat'
United News of India
09-05-2025
- Politics
- United News of India
Mehbooba calls for dialogue, not military action
Srinagar, May 9 (UNI) Former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti on Friday made a fervent appeal to the leadership of both India and Pakistan urging them to de-escalate rising tensions through dialogue rather than resorting to military action. 'A lot of blood has been shed. Now it should stop here," Mehbooba said while addressing a press conference. 'Military is no solution. It can address the symptoms, but it does not treat the root of the disease.' The Peoples Democratic Party chief Mehbooba said that situation between Indian and Pakistan is deteriorating. She expressed deep concern for the civilians — particularly women, children, and the elderly — who are bearing the brunt of cross-border skirmishes and the worst suffers were the border residents. 'People are being displaced from their homes. Many of our people have been displaced, including children and women,' she said. In a strong plea to both New Delhi and Islamabad, Mehbboba said, 'There is a need for immediate and urgent restraint to de-escalate the tension.' She warned that the current escalation risked further civilian casualties, stressing that those suffering on the ground are not responsible for the conflict. 'The innocent civilians who are being killed on both sides… the civilians on our border, in Jammu and Kashmir — they did not start this war. This war is not of their choosing,' PDP chief said. She appealed to the leadership and people of both nations to show wisdom and compassion, adding, 'The minds of both countries must work seriously toward de-escalating the situation.' She said India is emerging as a global power and Pakistan is facing serious internal challenges and these realities call for maturity, not military escalation. 'The efforts of both countries should be focused on political intervention,' she stated. Mehbooba pointed to the post-Pulwama Balakote airstrikes as an example. 'So what happened after that? And now Pahalgam has happened. What changed? What is happening today?' she asked, underlining the futility of repeating past patterns. In a choked voice, she urged both countries' leaderships to prioritize the lives of innocent people. 'Stop these attacks for God's sake. Our children... it's the age for them to be playing,' she said. 'I saw the photo of that child — he was playing in the same T-shirt,' she added, referring to a heart-wrenching image from Poonch where 16 civilians were killed in cross border shelling on Wednesday. 'As our Prime Minister Modi ji said during the Ukraine crisis, the era of war is truly over, then now is the time for political intervention — to resolve issues through dialogue. ." she said. Mehbooba urged both Prime Ministers to step back from confrontation and initiate communication. UNI MJR PRS
Time of India
07-05-2025
- Time of India
Sheikh Sajjad Gul masterminded Pahalgam attack: Here's all about his terror trail from Delhi blasts to leading TRF in operations
Sheikh Sajjad Gul, a 50-year-old Kashmiri and head of Lashkar-e-Taiba's proxy group The Resistance Front (TRF), has been identified as the mastermind of the April 22 terror attack in Pahalgam. The attack killed 26 people, mostly tourists, and also claimed the life of a local guide. Officials confirmed on Wednesday that communications traced during the investigation directly link Gul to the planning and execution of the massacre. The TRF had publicly claimed responsibility for the killings. A History of terror planning Operating under the alias Sajjad Ahmed Sheikh, Gul is reportedly holed up in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, and is under the patronage of Lashkar-e-Taiba. He has played a major role in several attacks across Jammu and Kashmir between 2020 and 2024. These include targeted killings, grenade attacks in Central Kashmir in 2023, and ambushes such as the Z-Morh Tunnel incident and a police attack in Bijbehra. The National Investigation Agency (NIA) had designated him a terrorist in April 2022 and announced a reward of Rs 10 lakh for information on him. From lab technician to terror commander Originally from Srinagar, Gul completed an MBA in Bangalore and pursued a lab technician course in Kerala before returning to Kashmir to run a diagnostic lab. He soon began aiding Lashkar-e-Taiba as an overground worker. In 2002, he was arrested at Delhi's Nizamuddin Railway Station with 5 kilograms of RDX and was sentenced to 10 years in prison for planning serial blasts in Delhi. After his release in 2017, Gul moved to Pakistan, where he was handpicked by the ISI to lead TRF—created post-Pulwama to mask Pakistan's support for cross-border terrorism under a Kashmiri identity. Family ties to extremism Officials also revealed that Gul's brother, a former doctor at Srinagar's Shri Maharaja Hari Singh Hospital, was involved in terrorism during the 1990s. He later moved to Saudi Arabia and then to Pakistan, where he now helps fund terror networks along with other fugitives based in Gulf countries.
India.com
06-05-2025
- Politics
- India.com
Warplay Or Warfare? How India Could Break Pakistan Without Crossing Nuclear Line
Indo-Pak Border Flare-Up: Amid fresh outrage over the Pahalgam massacre that killed 26 Indian tourists, India stands at a decisive crossroads: respond with overwhelming force or strike with smart, multi-domain precision. While a full-scale war with Pakistan may seem unlikely due to nuclear risks, India has a wide range of conventional and unconventional warfare options—each carrying different levels of impact, escalation, and risk. Here's a clear-eyed look at how India could make Pakistan pay—without triggering a catastrophic conflict. 1. Conventional Full-Scale War: Risky but Dominant India's military advantage—1.4 million troops vs. Pakistan's 617,000—offers clear superiority on paper. If war broke out along multiple fronts (Punjab, Rajasthan, LoC), India could aim to capture strategic territories or paralyze Pakistan's military structure. However, Pakistan's first-use nuclear doctrine makes such a move incredibly risky. Any large-scale territorial advance could provoke nuclear retaliation. Verdict: Technically feasible, but practically ruled out due to the nuclear red line. 2. Limited Conventional Conflict: Precision with Restraint Localized clashes along the LoC or border areas, like India's past 'surgical strikes' or Kargil-style operations, offer tactical payback. These actions are meant to inflict pain without pushing for escalation. India's 2019 Balakot airstrikes post-Pulwama terror attack are a template: direct hits on terror infrastructure with minimal footprint. Verdict: Most practical and proven option—but still carries escalation risk if mismanaged. 3. Surgical Airstrikes & Missile Hits Using fighter jets or cruise missiles (like BrahMos) to take out terror camps, military depots, or ISI assets inside Pakistan is an option with symbolic and strategic punch. Risk of pilots being captured (like in 2019) or collateral damage is high, but missile-only options reduce exposure. Verdict: Feasible, and India has done it before. Must avoid civilian casualties to retain international support. 4. Covert Operations & Proxy Pressure India's RAW could ramp up intelligence-driven operations to target terror financiers or support dissident movements like Baloch separatists. Hard to prove, but high on impact and deniability. Could pressure Pakistan without public war declaration. Verdict: Ongoing in shadows. Sustainable, but risks tit-for-tat escalation. 5. Naval Pressure in the Arabian Sea A blockade of Karachi or destruction of key Pakistani naval assets would cripple their economy. India's INS Vikrant, Scorpène-class submarines, and naval aviation could dominate sea battles. Verdict: High-risk, high-reward. Could impact global trade and provoke massive escalation. 6. Economic Warfare: Choking the Lifelines India's 2025 suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty sent a bold signal. Trade bans, cutting off airspace, and lobbying for global sanctions can further squeeze Pakistan. With a $3.4 trillion economy, India holds massive leverage compared to Pakistan's shrinking economy. Verdict: Very effective—and already in play. Escalation is minimal, but long-term retaliation possible. 7. Cyber Warfare: Hit Without a Trace India can target Pakistan's power grids, telecom systems, or financial networks using NTRO and allied agencies. Cyberwar is deniable and effective but could invite counterstrikes. Verdict: Low-cost, high stealth—perfect for asymmetric response. 8. Diplomatic Isolation: Weaponizing Global Influence India is already using its strong global partnerships to brand Pakistan a terror sponsor and rally support. 2025 saw visa suspensions, trade restrictions, and pressure campaigns on platforms like the UN and G20. Verdict: Long-term game—but highly feasible and sustainable. Final Take: No Boots Needed to Break Pakistan India doesn't need to march into Islamabad to deliver a blow. Through calibrated force, economic pressure, covert operations, and global diplomacy, New Delhi can degrade Pakistan's terror machinery without triggering nuclear war. This is not about avoiding conflict—it's about winning smartly. From the skies of Balakot to the rivers of Indus, India has options. The message is clear: act, retaliate—but don't stumble into all-out war.
