Latest news with #serviceDelivery
The Herald
3 days ago
- General
- The Herald
Koukamma by-election: ANC in Koukamma wins by-election
The ANC in Koukamma retained Ward 5 in Wednesday's by-election in the Sarah Baartman district municipality. The ANC's Clive Witbooi clinched the victory after receiving 1,225 of the votes cast. A total of 2,482 votes were cast. The ANC won with 49.66% of the votes, followed by the Patriotic Alliance with 36.2%, and the DA trailing in third place with 11.39%. Sarah Baartman regional chairperson Deon de Vos said the ANC was excited about the win. 'It was work because it is the third time we're contesting this ward in one term. 'We contested the ward during the 2021 local government elections, then again in the 2023 by-elections, and now in 2025. 'This is a very rural ward so we got a lot of support from the district and province. 'We feel excited for people to put trust in the ANC, notwithstanding challenges with service delivery issues. 'We congratulate the volunteers who did a great job. 'We commit to serve the people as best as we can with the councillor to deal with service delivery issues,' De Vos said. The by-election was held due to a vacancy in the ward, after the death of the previous ward councillor. De Vos said the previous councillor died in a motor vehicle accident, along with a volunteer. 'At the time of his death, he had been in the position a year and six months. He was a very good councillor.' The Herald
Mail & Guardian
3 days ago
- Business
- Mail & Guardian
GNU cabinet: Too many chiefs, not enough service
DA leader John Steenhuisen and ANC leader and South Africa's president, Cyril Ramaphosa. The government of national unity has 43 deputy ministers. If that number was trimmed, R100 million a year could be saved. Photo: GCIS In a time of service delivery failures, South Africa must take a hard look at its executive. Not just the quality of leadership but the sheer quantity of members. At a time when citizens are told to tighten their belts, and government departments are urged to cut spending, the executive branch remains bloated, inefficient and largely shielded from scrutiny. With the Each deputy minister earns more than R2 million a year, plus travel allowances, housing and VIP protection, yet they carry no constitutional executive authority. They are not members of the cabinet and cannot stand in for ministers unless the president appoints a sitting minister to act in a colleague's absence. The constitutional provision (section 93) clearly states that deputy ministers exist only to assist ministers — which often means reading speeches, attending ceremonial events and occupying symbolic roles during outreach initiatives. This raises the question — why are South Africans paying The cabinet appointments have amplified this contradiction. Many of the 43 deputies appointed in July 2024 are not technocrats but rather political appointees, placed to appease alliance partners and opposition factions — not to drive service delivery. The minister of cooperative governance and traditional affairs, for instance, now has two deputies, despite municipalities being largely in financial ruin, with 66 out of 257 municipalities deemed dysfunctional by the auditor general. This redundancy of roles is not only expensive, it is unjustifiable in the face of mounting austerity. The auditor general's 2023-24 Municipal Finance Management Act report highlights R22 billion in irregular expenditure, most of it from departments overseen by ministers with deputies. If anything, the proliferation of deputies has correlated with increased mismanagement, not improved outcomes. This is not an isolated critique. In 2015, then president Jacob Zuma appointed a similarly oversized cabinet — 35 ministers and 37 deputy ministers — attracting widespread criticism. Even then, commentators noted that countries with larger populations and GDPs, such as China (20 ministers) and Russia (23 ministers), operated more efficiently with leaner executives. So what exactly do South African deputy ministers do? There is no legally binding list of responsibilities for deputy ministers. They are not assigned key performance indicators in the same way that In fact, many remain largely invisible until public scandals or parliamentary debates put them in the spotlight. One notorious example was the 2013 revelation that then deputy minister of agriculture, Bheki Cele, had racked up hundreds of thousands in travel claims without attending a single provincial outreach session. And when they're not invisible, they're interchangeable. Deputy ministers are reshuffled frequently — with few, if any, consequences tied to performance. In the July 2024 cabinet reshuffle, more than a dozen deputy ministers were retained or reappointed despite having little public record of being effective. This creates deadweight politics — where individuals are paid handsomely to exist in government without contributing meaningfully to its function. It's not that all deputy ministers are ineffectual. Some work hard behind the scenes. But without transparency, reporting or structured oversight, we cannot separate the active from the idle. The National Development Plan calls for a professionalised public service, where merit and delivery are prioritised over political accommodation. The current system of deputy ministers flies in the face of this ideal. Moreover, at the provincial level, governments function without deputy members of executive councils. Departments are managed by one MEC and a team of civil servants. So why not replicate this model nationally? The government's own spending reviews have previously flagged the costs of the executive. In 2020, the Cutting deputy ministers might not fix South Africa's budget deficit overnight, but it sends a powerful signal — we are serious about governance reform. We are serious about performance. We are serious about value for money. It would also strengthen the credibility of the government in the eyes of citizens, who are increasingly disillusioned. According to the 2023 Afrobarometer survey, only 23% of South Africans trust the president to do what is right. Among young people, this number is even lower. When people protest over poor service delivery, they don't demand more deputies. They demand water, sanitation, jobs — and leaders who show up, account and deliver. The existence of 43 deputy ministers, many of whom are redundant, sends a clear message — the state exists to serve political interests first, public interests second. It doesn't have to be this way. The Constitution gives the president full discretion over whether to appoint deputy ministers. There is no legal obligation to do so. If President Cyril Ramaphosa wants to lead a truly efficient and ethical GNU, he must start by trimming the fat. A smaller, smarter cabinet is not a political risk, it's a governance necessity. Cutting down on deputy ministers is not just about saving R100 million annually, it's about restoring the integrity of the executive. It's about showing citizens that the government will lead by example. It's about building a leaner state capable of delivery, not just diplomacy. South Africa deserves a cabinet that works — not one that coasts. Dr Lesedi Senamele Matlala is a public policy and digital governance lecturer at the University of Johannesburg, at the School of Public Management, Governance and Public Policy.
Mail & Guardian
3 days ago
- Business
- Mail & Guardian
DA slams Joburg's R89.4bn budget as politically motivated
The capital budget of R8.7 billion (R26.2 billion over the medium term) intentionally targets regions that were affected by spatial planning during apartheid, according to the statement. This includes Alexandra, Diepsloot, Kaalfontein, Orange Farm and Lenasia South. (Delwyn Verasamy/M&G) The 'It's a political budget and it is just to ensure that they are putting money in areas where they know they are going to get more votes [going] to the current ruling coalition at the moment,' said the DA's Johannesburg caucus leader, Belinda Echeozonjoku. On Wednesday, Johannesburg Finance MMC The capital budget of R8.7 billion (R26.2 billion over the medium term) intentionally targets regions that were affected by spatial planning during apartheid, according to the statement. This includes Alexandra, Diepsloot, Kaalfontein, Orange Farm and Lenasia South. Echeozonjoku said one of the concerns for the DA was that huge amounts were being allocated to Region E, under which Alexandra township falls, but not much improvement had taken place there. 'Massive money is spent in Alex, you go to Alex today, do you see any of that money making a difference? We do not see where the money is going,' she said. Speaking to journalists after the council seating, Arnolds said: 'The budget reflects our resolve to drive infrastructure led-growth, accelerated service delivery and restore long-term financial sustainability; with a projected operating surplus of R4.1 billion and a capital allocation of R8.7 billion for this year alone [and] growing to R26.2 billion over the next three years. 'We are focusing our capital investment where they are needed most: revitalising the inner city … but also in different regions where we are deployed as MMC.' The key revenue drivers for this year include electricity, for which R25.6 billion is allocated, R20 billion for water and wastewater, R18.1 billion for property rates, R3.3 billion for refuse removal and R4.57 billion for the national fuel levy, according to budget documents. Referring to the underdeveloped regions, Arnolds said: We've had lots of service backlogs, it's historical, and in the underserved areas. We know that Diepsloot, Orange Farm, Lenasia South and Kaalfontein are basically the step-children of the City of Johannesburg and we are going to fix that.' Echeozonjoku said the city is allocating money to townships or informal settlements without saying what their plan is to formalise those settlements. 'It means you are throwing money into an area that is not formalised. Are you able to see the stand number? Are you able to collect revenue for prepaid meters and things like that? 'How are you going to be able to collect from those areas? You are opening the city up to challenges of illegal connection once again if you are not formalising those informal settlements. 'We are not happy with the allocations that have been done without a proper plan on how to actually collect revenue.' She added that a lot of money has been taken from transport and the DA. 'We are not happy with that either. The tariffs increase; we felt that there's a lot of money that could have been redirected as well.' A sum of R400 million has been set aside for the Johannesburg Roads Agency to resurface roads.
Mail & Guardian
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Mail & Guardian
Orania's segregated success versus the crushing weight of inequality on municipalities
Unlike most municipalities in the country, which are constitutionally mandated to serve every resident in their borders, irrespective of race, culture, or socio-economic status, Orania operates on a different premise: selective admission. The relentless tide of bad news emanating from South Africa's municipalities paints a grim portrait of a state struggling at its most fundamental level. Infrastructure crumbles, service delivery collapses and the promise of local governance serving its people withers under the weight of corruption and inefficiency. In this disheartening context, Orania in the Northern Cape often surfaces as a perplexing counterpoint. This self-proclaimed Afrikaner enclave, founded on principles of cultural and racial exclusivity that fly in the face of South Africa's hard-won democracy, seemingly exhibits a degree of operational functionality that many municipalities can only dream of. But any attempt to draw direct parallels or extract straightforward lessons from Orania's relative success without a critical and nuanced understanding of its inherent nature would be a disservice to the complex realities in South Africa. Unlike most municipalities in the country, which are constitutionally mandated to serve every resident in their borders, irrespective of race, culture, or socio-economic status, Orania operates on a different premise: selective admission. Prospective residents of Orania must This inherent selectivity creates a socio-economic and cultural homogeneity that artificially simplifies the challenges of governance in ways that are unattainable, and morally undesirable, for South Africa's diverse and deeply unequal municipalities. The apparent efficiency of Orania therefore exists within a carefully constructed bubble of relative affluence and shared identity. It is a competence not solely attributable to superior administrative practices, but also to the exclusion of a significant portion of the population — those who place the greatest demands on municipal resources, social welfare systems and basic service provision. Municipalities, in stark contrast, are tasked with the monumental undertaking of serving diverse communities grappling with the pervasive legacies of apartheid, including widespread unemployment, inadequate housing and profound socio-economic disparities. Consider the sheer scale of the problem. Municipalities are responsible for providing water, sanitation, electricity, waste management and a host of other essential services to populations that often include vast informal settlements with limited infrastructure, high levels of unemployment necessitating social grants and support programs, and a complex tapestry of cultural and linguistic diversity requiring inclusive and equitable governance. Orania, by its very design, avoids these complexities. Its ability to streamline services and focus resources is undoubtedly enhanced by its capacity to effectively choose its residents, creating a community with a relatively uniform socio-economic profile and a shared cultural background. While proponents might point to Orania's apparent fiscal responsibility and community engagement as potential lessons, these aspects are inextricably linked to its exclusionary nature. The ability to generate local revenue and reinvest it effectively is arguably made simpler when the resident base is largely economically active and capable of contributing. Similarly, fostering a strong sense of community participation is easier within a relatively homogenous group with shared values and a vested interest in maintaining their self-created environment. These dynamics are far more intricate and difficult to cultivate in diverse municipalities grappling with historical divisions and stark inequalities. The lessons to be gleaned from Orania, therefore, must be approached with extreme caution. To simply admire its apparent functionality without acknowledging the ethical and practical implications of its exclusionary policies would be a dangerous oversimplification. The challenge for municipalities is not to emulate a model built on segregation, but to find ways to achieve effective governance within the context of their diverse and often deeply impoverished populations. This requires innovative solutions, transparent financial management, robust anti-corruption measures and genuine community engagement that transcends socio-economic divides. The mirage of order in Orania, achieved through exclusion, should serve not as a blueprint, but as a stark reminder of the fundamental issues posed by inequality. The pursuit of efficiency cannot come at the cost of social justice and the constitutional imperative to serve all. Instead of seeking inspiration in segregation, municipalities must focus on building capacity, fostering accountability and implementing policies that address the root causes of inequality, ultimately creating a more just and functional society for all its people. The true measure of success for municipalities will not be found in the isolated efficiency of exclusion, but in the inclusive prosperity and well-being of all their residents. Lindani Zungu is a political science graduate from New York University, who is a Mandela Rhodes Scholar pursuing a master's in political studies and is the editor-in-chief of the youth-oriented publication (Voices of Mzansi) in South Africa.
Mail & Guardian
21-05-2025
- Business
- Mail & Guardian
Joburg and Durban residents fume over municipal hikes
(eThekwini Municipality) Durban and Johannesburg residents and property owners are fuming over proposed property rate, electricity, water and sanitation tariff hikes, saying they face an affordability crisis and that their cities' crumbling services delivery does not warrant the increases for the 2025-26 financial year. Both the The ERPM is outraged by 'We hereby register a formal and unequivocal objection to the proposed tariff increases outlined by the eThekwini municipality. In the context of a deepening affordability crisis, increasing resident debt, and ongoing failures in service delivery, ERPM finds these proposed increases both indefensible and unsustainable,' the movement's chairperson, Asad Gaffar, wrote in its objection letter. He described ratepayers' grievances as encompassing an affordability crisis that leaves residents unable to meet existing service costs, escalating debt levels that risk locking households into prolonged financial hardship, service delivery failures marked by 'contractor irregularities' and 'questionable municipal spending' that eroded public trust. 'The municipality has not demonstrated how prior tariff revenues have been applied to deliver on the Integrated Development Plan (IDP). In the absence of financial transparency, any request for increased revenue is unacceptable,' Gaffar wrote. Ratepayers also called for tighter oversight of contractors, and a formal role for ratepayers in approving municipal projects. 'We will not accept continued financial burdens on residents without accountability, transparency, and meaningful reform,' Gaffar wrote. This week, he told the Mail & Guardian that the movement was also demanding a moratorium on tariff hikes, because many pensioners,and people who had lost their jobs were already in a collective R30 billion arrears. 'It's one of the reasons the city is struggling to collect revenue. Most individuals are in debt because they have no other choice. They cannot pay for services. Anyone who's in debt makes a psychological choice. When that amount is affordable or unreasonable, they just simply ignore it and wait for the consequence,' Gaffar said. 'That's exactly what's happening with people at the moment, they have a choice between buying food or paying for services and, in most instances, they can't even afford to pay for services.' He said the city needed to reexamine how it determines who qualifies as indigent in terms of tariff exemptions because many unemployed or retired people live in homes over a certain value and are excluded from these tax breaks. 'The municipality is then saying 'if you can't afford to pay for services then sell that house and move somewhere else'. The question is: move out and go somewhere else, where? The fact that the employees of the city themselves cannot afford to pay for services, tells you there's a problem.' The city's budget consultation process was also inadequate, Gaffar said. 'The municipality doesn't understand what public participation means. They simply come there, tell you what they're doing. They tell you what the budget figures are and, more often than not, the individuals at the meeting start to complain about services. 'What the municipality does is have these meetings more often than not in areas where there are no working citizens. They use that to say, 'of the 100,000 people who attended these budget meetings, 5% will complain'.' eThekwini mayor Cyril Xaba announced a 50% cut in arrears debt owed to the city subject to conditions including that debtors settle the balance in full to obtain the discount. eThekwini spokesperson Gugu Sisilana declined to comment on the movement's objection. 'We are not going to single out any ratepayer association by discussing their objections as the city conducted budget /IDP roadshows across the length and breadth of the city and is considering all objections/comments received,' she said, adding that the outcome would be communicated during a full council meeting. In Johannesburg, the city's draft budget for 2025-26 proposed increases of 4.6% for property rates, 12.41% for electricity, 13.9% for water and sanitation and 6.6% for refuse removal. The The association raised concern about policy changes, particularly the restriction of the R300 000 residential threshold rebate to a single property per owner. 'This change will disproportionately affect affordable housing providers,' the association's general manager, Angela Rivers, wrote in the objection letter, noting that 'the financial benefit of the rebate does not accrue to the property owner as profit'. 'Instead, it subsidises operational costs and allows landlords to maintain below-market rentals for low-income residents,' she said. Without the rebate, tenants faced higher rents, risking 'displacement and affordability collapse in formal rental housing'. Equally contentious was the proposed 'non-maintenance' penalty tariff, which the association said was 'flawed and likely unconstitutional'. The tariff aims to charge properties deemed 'not maintained' rates of six times the standard residential rate. The association has warned that the proposal risks accelerating the decline of the inner city, 'with knock-on impacts for crime, unemployment, and spatial inequality'. 'This violates the principles of administrative justice,' Rivers said, warning that it could punish owners of hijacked or distressed buildings, chilling investment in urban regeneration. She added that Johannesburg faced a housing backlog of more than 459 000 units and the city could not afford to alienate the very sector helping to address this shortfall. The association objected to the 12.41% increase in electricity tariffs and the introduction of a R130 or R200 per-unit network capacity charge for electricity reseller buildings. 'The imposition of this charge undermines the policy rationale for the reseller model,' it argued, noting that it amounts to 'double-recovery' because property owners already cover infrastructure costs. Data from the association's member buildings shows tenants consume an average of 98-159 kWh a month, Rivers added, well within the low-usage threshold, making the fixed charges 'regressive' and 'disproportionately burdensome' for low-income households. The association is working on an affordable housing tariff for presentation to the She said there was little transparency on how public input is processed or incorporated into final decisions, 'which makes it difficult to assess the true impact of engagement' with the city. 'Until the final tariffs and IDP are published, we can't say whether our comments were meaningfully considered. Public consultation is only sufficient if it leads to real results — and for that, we'll have to wait and see,' Rivers added. City of Johannesburg spokesperson Nkosana Lekotjolo did not respond to the M&G's request for comment on these objections but pointed to budget documents highlighting the tariff increases, saying the budget speech would be presented next week. Comparing these costs across three major metros, eThekwini has imposed the highest property rates increase at 12.9%, nearly double Johannesburg's 7.5% and above Cape Town's 7.9%. For electricity, Durban leads with a 12.72% hike, followed by Johannesburg at 12.41% and Cape Town at 2%, markedly lower than Cape Town has also proposed several new policies that would see tariffs, such as water and sanitation, rising steeply for mid- to higher-end valued properties as it seeks to link charges to property valuations. These include water and sanitation tariff increases of 7.3% and 11.1% respectively, with additional fixed charges now based on property value rather than connection size. For example, a property valued at R5 million may face a fixed water charge of R548.87 a month plus usage costs. A new city-wide cleaning tariff has also been proposed based on property value, replacing its previous property rates funding model.
