Hundreds more 'refugees' could depart for the US as immigration row deepens
The first group of Afrikaners from South Africa to arrive for resettlement listen to remarks from US Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau and US Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security Troy Edgar
Reports have emerged indicating that an additional 300 individuals are set to migrate to the United States, following the recent arrival of a group of 59 refugees on Monday.
However, the chief executive of lobby group AfriForum, Kallie Kriel, who still maintains that refugees, the scores of Afrikaners who have already had genuine reasons, says he is not planning to leave South Africa.
This is in stark contrast to serious allegations of human rights abuse levelled against the South African government.
During an interview on Newzroom Afrika, Kriel said that although the concerns raised by the Afrikaners were legitimate, AfriForum does not define the situation as 'white genocide' as certain politicians in the United States define it.
'The fact is, we don't use those terms, but there is a real problem. We have a situation in the country where the only category of crime that is called for, publicly, for instance, murders of farmers and Afrikaners with the 'kill the boer' chant.''
On Monday, soon after landing at Washington's Dulles International Airport, dozens of South African 'refugees' - some with children happily holding small American flags - were welcomed by US First Deputy Secretary Christopher Landau.
He was accompanied by Deputy Secretary of Home Affairs, Troy Edgar. Landau repeated the US allegations that the ''refugees' were subjected to egregious and targeted threats''.
Asked to elaborate on the claim, Landau replied and mentioned ''several vociferous politicians repeating things like 'Kill the Boer, Kill the Afrikaner''.
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The Star
2 hours ago
- The Star
NPA's Leadership Crisis: Eroding Legal Integrity in Favour of Political Expediency
Clyde N.S. Ramalaine | Published 1 day ago Clyde N.S. Ramalaine On 3 June 2025, the Free State High Court in Bloemfontein ruled that the extradition of Moroadi Cholota from the United States to South Africa was unlawful. This landmark judgment has not only released the state's key figure in the high-profile R255 million asbestos corruption case but also cleared the way for the prosecution of others involved. Still, it has also exposed deep procedural and constitutional failings within South Africa's prosecutorial regime. Her unlawful extradition from the United States and subsequent release by the Free State High Court reveal more than just procedural oversight , they expose systemic dysfunction, a repurposing of primary objectives of the NPA as articulated in its strategic ethos within the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) and unravels the credibility of South Africa's anti-corruption drive. The Ruling A Blow to Prosecutorial Credibility Presiding over the matter, Judge Phillip Loubser was unequivocal: " The prosecution has not found reasonable doubt, or at all, that there was a valid or lawful request from South Africa for the extradition of Ms Cholota from the United States. It follows that if there was no valid extradition request, then the extradition itself was without any basis and, therefore, unlawful ." The National Prosecuting Authority's (NPA) failure to adhere to the legally mandated process in the extradition request of Moroadi Cholota reveals not merely a procedural blunder, but an institutional failing. By initiating the extradition request instead of the Minister of Justice and Correctional Services, as explicitly required by law, the NPA not only invalidated its case but compromised the integrity of South Africa's justice system on the international stage. The NPA will contend that this is not the first time it has led to extradition cases and that this is the first instance in which a case has been registered in this regard. It will furthermore argue that it is appealing the Schultz case, which constitutes a legal precedent. Notwithstanding this counter, the NPA cannot deny that this deviation from legal protocol suggests either gross incompetence or a willful disregard for constitutional processes, raising serious ethical questions about accountability within the NPA. Moreover, by allegedly providing misleading or incomplete information to U.S. authorities, the South African state stands accused of deception — a charge that, if substantiated, undermines its moral authority and diplomatic credibility, and reveals a prosecutorial body more concerned with performance politics than with the pursuit of justice. The unlawful handling of Cholota's extradition reflects a disturbing pattern in which the state weaponises legal instruments while bypassing constitutional safeguards. This erosion of legal integrity in favour of political expediency suggests the NPA, whether by design or acquiescence, has become a tool in internal power struggles rather than a guardian of justice. In failing to uphold the rule of law and misleading an international partner in the process, the NPA exposes a justice system teetering between institutional collapse and captured governance. The court's ruling on the lack of jurisdiction underscores a foundational pillar of constitutional and international law, that the legitimacy of a trial is inseparable from the legality of the accused's presence before the court. In Moroadi Cholota's case, the unlawful initiation of the extradition process rendered her transfer to South Africa constitutionally defective, thereby stripping the court of jurisdiction to try her. Any attempt to prosecute her under such conditions would not only violate Section 35 of the Constitution, which guarantees fair trial rights and due process but also contravene international legal norms governing extradition and state sovereignty. This ruling affirms that procedural integrity is not merely a technicality, but a substantive requirement of justice; the state cannot bypass lawful channels to secure an accused and still claim the authority to prosecute. To do so would be to legitimise executive overreach, dismantle legal safeguards, and invite the erosion of the rule of law under the guise of criminal justice. Systemic Indictment of the NPA The judgment handed down by the Free State High Court should not be read in isolation; it must be understood as a judicial demand for accountability, procedural discipline, and institutional humility. The NPA's failed prosecution of Ms Moroadi Cholota is, regrettably, not an isolated mishap . In a 2023 article co-authored with Paul M. Ngobeni (available at: " /", we called for the NPA leadership to be held accountable as we critically examined eight high-profile cases pursued by the NPA under the rubric of its ' state capture ' prosecutions. Our analysis revealed a pattern of endemic institutional failures, particularly under the leadership of the current National Director of Public Prosecutions, Advocate Shamila Batohi. Among the most pressing concerns were the following: Politicisation of Prosecutions The NPA's alignment with factional battles in the ANC undermines its credibility. Its selective use of the Zondo Commission's findings, non-binding and inadmissible in court, has raised alarms about the weaponisation of commissions of inquiry to serve political ends. Strategic Misuse of Evidence The collapse of cases like the Estina Dairy Farm prosecution revealed the dangers of substituting public rhetoric for admissible evidence. The NPA has repeatedly stumbled in converting politically sensational findings into courtroom success. Selective Disclosure and Narrative Framing The NPA has routinely withheld countervailing evidence, especially in asset forfeiture cases such as Optimum Coal, to curate a prosecutorial narrative while undermining procedural fairness. Civil society organisations such as Freedom Under Law and Corruption Watch have raised repeated concerns about this trend. Institutional Inefficiencies Structural deficiencies, ranging from poor leadership and resource mismanagement to political interference, continue to plague the NPA's capacity to lead credible prosecutions. These points not only relate to individual accountability but also to the need for institutional redesign. The location of the NPA under executive control remains a structural vulnerability. Lack of Accountability and Transparency The NPA has consistently deflected public criticism, painting itself as the victim of attacks rather than accepting legitimate concerns about its performance. This erodes public confidence and corrodes prosecutorial independence. Calls for an independent oversight body to scrutinise prosecutorial decisions have gained renewed urgency. NPA's Compulsive Overreliance on Appeals – Default Mechanism As expected, the NPA informed South Africa that it intends to appeal the court's findings. While the doctrine of appeal is a constitutional provision, it is important to appreciate the context and primary intentions of the state in pursuing such an appeal. A fundamental yet under-examined pathology within the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) is its compulsive reliance on appeals, not as a last resort for justice, but as a default mechanism to shield prosecutorial ineptitude. At the heart of this phenomenon lies a psychology unmoored from accountability: senior prosecutors and executive leadership pursue prolonged legal contests not at their own personal or professional expense, but through the seemingly bottomless reservoir of the public fiscus. This distance between institutional action and individual consequence fosters a culture of indifference towards both fiscal prudence and judicial efficacy. The decision to appeal, often against the weight of legal reasoning and precedent, is thus less a matter of legal necessity than a strategic deflection—an effort to postpone institutional reckoning, preserve internal reputations, and obscure prosecutorial failures. There appears to be little regard for the economic burden imposed on the state, the rights of the accused whose lives are held in indefinite legal limbo, or the broader erosion of public trust in the justice system. In the Cholota case, this is strikingly evident: despite the court's scathing findings, the NPA has signalled its intention to appeal, oblivious to the potential litigation costs should the state be sued for unlawful detention or rights infringements. This illustrates a prosecutorial psychology that prioritises institutional face-saving over constitutional integrity, emboldened by the knowledge that the price of legal misadventure will not be borne by those who authorise it. In the final analysis, the National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP), Advocate Shamila Batohi, can no longer be exempt from the dismal performance of the NPA . She, together with her senior executive team, must be held accountable for the institution's persistent failures, including the frivolous pursuit of appeals and plausible wasteful expenditure incurred in cases that consistently collapse in court. The NPA's demonstrably poor track record in successfully prosecuting its claimed state capture cases, cases that fail to withstand legal scrutiny, underscores a leadership crisis at the heart of the institution. In this epoch, Batohi cannot dismiss these matters as merely 10 to 12 cases out of thousands. She must acknowledge the National Prosecuting Authority's spectacular failure in effectively prosecuting its state capture cases. Judge Loubser's ruling is a reaffirmation of the rule of law. It demonstrates that even in the face of public and political pressure, courts remain the final guardians of constitutional integrity. This case should serve as a caution to state institutions: no matter the political stakes, constitutional due process cannot be bypassed without consequence. The state's case against Moroadi Cholota symbolises both a failure of the prosecutorial machinery and a moment of constitutional reckoning. Unless the NPA undertakes urgent internal reform, beginning with depoliticised leadership appointments, independent oversight mechanisms, and full adherence to international legal procedures, its credibility will remain under siege. This case is not merely about an individual wrongfully prosecuted , but about an institution, the NPA, that appears adrift from constitutional moorings, caught between political ambition and legal obligation, often repurposed for nefarious intentions. * Clyde N.S. Ramalaine is a theologian, political analyst, lifelong social and economic justice activist, published author, poet, and freelance writer. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
IOL News
4 hours ago
- IOL News
Tensions rise as memorial for former Zambian president Lungu takes place in South Africa amid ongoing dispute with government
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IOL News
4 hours ago
- IOL News
UWC study exposes bullying of refugee children in Cape Town schools
UWC study exposes bullying of refugee children in schools. Image: Freepik Congolese refugee children attending schools in Maitland and Parow face relentless bullying rooted in xenophobia, racism, and cultural differences, according to a recent study by UWC Master's student, Adelina Nakatya Ntagerwa. For Ntagerwa's MA thesis, she interviewed 20 parents of adolescent refugees from the war-torn Kivu province of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which revealed harrowing accounts of verbal abuse, physical violence, and systemic neglect at these schools. The interviews took place amidst the Covid-19 pandemic and a protest by mostly Congolese refugees who were demanding to be repatriated to Canada, Australia and other Western countries. Many Congolese families fled the DRC's Kivu region, an area devastated by decades of conflict, only to find their children subjected to bullying in South African classrooms, according to Ntagerwa. In her interviews, parents reported that their children were frequently called derogatory names like "makwerekwere" and "black boy", highlighting the racial and xenophobic undertones of the abuse. One mother, Sakina, shared how her son was ostracised and physically assaulted by peers who mocked his accent and nationality. "They push him, swear at him, and tell him he doesn't belong here," she said. Another parent, Adelaide, recounted how her daughter was called "swart" (black in Afrikaans), a term hurled with such malice that the girl begged to change schools. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading UWC's Varsity Shield rugby captain Romauld Nsombamanya, 24, who was born in the DRC, although not from Kivu, echoed Ntagerwa's findings, describing his primary school experience as 'quite hard, quite intense'. 'I've been in South Africa since 2011, but I only started school in 2013 at Pinedene Primary in Ravensmead. My primary school experience, I would say, was quite hard because I had numerous (varied) experiences. I was the new kid in school, just trying to fit in. South African kids were very reluctant to accept me,' said Nsombamanya. While the welcome he got at the school was not the greatest, one teacher, Ms McKay, showed great kindness to bridge the language barrier. 'She would take her own time to sit with me for two hours to make English cue cards to learn certain words. It just so happens that she was my English teacher, and it really helped me to develop,' says Nsombamanya. One instance of bullying he encountered at the school was with one of his fellow pupils who teased him about his bad stutter. 'I ignored him until he started spitting in my face. I walked away, and then he came and slapped me from the back, and then I retaliated, which caused a fight. A prefect then came and held me for the other kid to beat me,' said Nsombamanya. He ended up being punished by the principal despite explaining the violent provocation he had endured. The bullying continued at Florida High School, where most of the pupils from his primary school were enrolled. At high school, Nsombamanya became a loner, but this changed when his older cousin from the DRC joined him, and he learned to assert himself. In her research, Ntagerwa found that bullying often escalates into physical violence. A participant called Rodrigue shared that his daughter was taunted for her long name and Congolese heritage, while Imani's son was beaten by classmates who told him to "go back to Congo" after he outperformed them academically. In one tragic case, a child, overwhelmed by relentless bullying over his old clothing, committed suicide. His mother, Mateso, discovered too late that he had left a note detailing his torment. Teachers and school staff are sometimes complicit. A Xhosa-speaking teacher refused to translate lessons for a Congolese student, telling her: "This is not your country; go find someone who speaks your language." Another parent, Shabani, described how a school administrator publicly shamed his daughter for unpaid fees, humiliating her in front of classmates. Beyond peer bullying, systemic issues exacerbate the trauma. Refugee children are often placed in grades below their age level, making them targets for ridicule. Christiane's daughter, once in Grade 10 in the DRC, was demoted to Grade 8 in Cape Town and mocked as an "eagle" for her height and age. Extracurricular activities, a potential refuge, are also marred by discrimination. Several parents reported their children being barred from sports competitions or cultural events due to their refugee status. "They used my son to win athletics matches but disqualified him from finals because of his Congolese birth certificate," Imani said. Despite the hostility, some children find solace in friendships with peers who share similar backgrounds or empathetic teachers. Ayale's daughter thrived after a teacher provided extra books to improve her English, while Riziki's son found protection in a group of friends who stood up to his bullies. Parents who were interviewed urged schools to enforce anti-bullying policies consistently and provide language support for refugee students. They also demanded sensitivity training for educators to address xenophobia and racism. The study underscores the urgent need for inclusive policies to protect refugee children, whose resilience is tested daily. As one parent poignantly noted, "We came here for safety, but our children are fighting another war - this time in the classroom." Cape Times
