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IOL News
3 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Two Judicial Sagas, Ten Years Apart: The Mabel Jansen and Selby Mbenenge Cases
Gillian Schutte is a film-maker, and a well-known social justice and race-justice activist and public intellectual. Image: IOL West Indian psychiatrist and decolonial philosopher, Frantz Fanon, wrote that 'the Black man has no ontological resistance in the eyes of the white man.' He named a violence deeper than physical domination: the psychic capture of the Black subject inside the white imaginary. In the colonial order, the Black man is not seen as a man; he is seen as a body, a phallus, a threat, an object of anxiety. The Black woman is not seen as a woman; she is seen as an overdetermined symbol, hypersexualised, violable, yet erased as a full erotic and political subject. Post-apartheid South Africa continues to move within these patterns. Two judicial sagas, ten years apart – the 2016 exposure of Judge Mabel Jansen and the current tribunal against Eastern Cape Judge President Selby Mbenenge – reveal how deeply colonial logic still shapes our public life, our media, and our institutions. In 2015, during a public debate on my Facebook page, Judge Mabel Jansen entered of her own will. She had been following my social justice feminist work for months, even inboxing me with praise. The debate she chose to join centred on a petition circulating about poor white Afrikaners begging the EU to 'repatriate' them – a discussion already thick with tensions about race, poverty, colonial grievance, and belonging. Into this space, Jansen dropped comments that landed like malfeasance. Here are her exact public statements: '99% of criminal cases I hear are of Black fathers/uncles/brothers raping children as young as five years old. Is this part of your culture? Because then you do not know the truth. And they do it to their children, sisters, nieces, and so on. Is this also attributable to white people somehow, because we take the blame for everything?' 'Fact: Black children and women are raped and abused, and beaten by Black men to an extent that is so sickening that one cannot even cope with it. And that is a fact.' 'Want to read my files: rape, rape, rape, rape of minors by Black families. It is never-ending.' 'Show me one Black woman who has not been molested herself … but culturally that is the viewpoint.' 'Apparently sex is simply to be had when required. And five years old, by the way, is old … apparently it is not regarded as rape, but the exertion of a male's right. And women allow the father to be the first.'When I answered that the majority of Black uncles, fathers, and brothers do most certainly not rape 5-year-olds, she replied, 'Oh yes, they do. 'She also inboxed me privately: 'In their culture, a woman is there to pleasure them. Period. It is seen as an absolute right, and a woman's consent is not required. 'I still have to meet a Black girl who was not raped at about 12. I am dead serious. One of her public posts also asserted that 'while white men also rape, it is not our natural way, whereas with Black men it is a way of life.'As Fanon writes in Black Skin, White Masks, 'The Negro is eclipsed. He has been turned into a penis. He is a penis.' Jansen's words performed this symbolic reduction: the Black man as violent phallus, the Black woman as voiceless body. For a year, I agitated for the system to act. I wrote articles, raised alarms, contacted advocates and constitutional lawyers, and lodged a formal complaint with the Judicial Service Commission (JSC). Silence. It was only when UCT activist-academic Brian Ihirwe Kamanzi shared the screenshots on Black Twitter a year later, after I drew his attention to them, that outrage ignited. The Black Lawyers Association stepped in. Organisers mobilised. Protests were staged, interviews were had, and the JSC could no longer look away. However, during this uprising, the media played a familiar game – they repeatedly referred to Gillian Schutte sharing private inboxed messages and questioned the morality of this. In short, I became the focus instead of the racist inner workings of the Judge and the fact that she presided over gender-based violence cases in her court. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ They tried valiantly to turn the focus of the protests onto my amorality in order to divert the Black organising against Jansen to me. It failed. In the JSC hearing, Jansen's defence lawyers, using this same trope in their defence, sought to discredit me, portraying me as ideologically radical, emotionally unstable, and mentally unbalanced. How a huge firm with much experience imagined this was a good defence baffled even the judges who presided over the hearing. My own attorney, Tracey Lomax, spoke eloquently to this matter. The defence strategy failed. The JSC prepared for impeachment. Jansen resigned before the process was completed – escaping formal judgment but not public disgrace. My life turned into a living hell with multiple death threats aimed at my family, men with Voortrekker beards parked outside our house every day for a week, tracking our movements, an envelope laced with poison in our post-box which attacked my husband's central nervous system for days, and plentiful murderous social media aimed at instilling a sense of instability in our daily life. The media ignored this onslaught but chose to report on Jansen's claims that her life and the life of her children were being threatened because I wanted my '15 minutes of fame'.Privacy Only Applies to Whites, Then? This political history forms the backdrop to the Mbenenge case. In the current tribunal, private WhatsApp exchanges between Judge President Selby Mbenenge and court secretary Andiswa Mengo – filled with flirtation, erotic humour, playful negotiation, and mutual pleasure – have been hauled into public spectacle as evidence of sexual misconduct. The 'privacy argument' raised to shield Jansen has been discarded without hesitation. Fanon is again essential. In the colonial imaginary, Black male sexuality is imagined as excess, danger, and violence; Black women are imagined as bodies without agency. There is no script to hold African men negotiating desire, speaking of cunnilingus, imagining female pleasure, or showing concern for mutual satisfaction. There is no space to imagine African women as agents of their own pleasure, as partners in joy, as subjects of flirtation and orgasm. This is what Fanon called the white neurosis – a psychic malaise that turns Blackness into a site of phobic fantasy. It is why, in this case, liberal white feminist discourse reproduces the same reductive gaze as Jansen's open white supremacy. Both erase the fullness of Black erotic life. Both install the same whiteness default: the monstrous Black man, the violated Black woman. Yet the messages between Mbenenge and Mengo belong to ukudlalisa ngamazwi – an idiom of wordplay, teasing, humour, and mutual consent, deeply woven into isiXhosa culture. Mengo jokes, withholds, offers, and winks. She participates. She chooses. She suggests. She enjoys. Inside the tribunal, however, Advocate Scheepers has acted not as investigator but as moral accuser, akin to the inquisitors of the 12th-century European witch-hunting inquisitions – cross-examining by assertion, visibly contemptuous when blocked from introducing irrelevant material or over-the-top suggestion, following a script familiar to those who have watched how donor feminism, legal machinery, and liberal media merge into spectacles of moral panic. This script does not rely on careful evidence. It feeds on atmosphere, insinuation, and the rapid buttressing of guilt. Judge President Selby Mbenenge has not denied his role in the mutual flirtation – he has owned his sexuality as well as acknowledged Mengo's right to pleasure without judgment or shaming language. But he has resisted. He has challenged the expansion of charges, insisted on keeping the process tied to the legal question, and unsettled the moral machinery gathering around him. He has foiled the plot to take him down through perception, even while mainstream media is working overtime to create the idea that he is guilty. As in the Jansen case, where the system worried over a white woman's privacy and reputation, then turned its disciplinary gaze onto the whistleblower, in the Mbenenge case, the system moves to discipline a Black man, stripping away the agency of a Black woman, reducing them both to spectacle. Black X and Black AgencyOutside the courtroom, however, another public reads the messages differently. Across social media, across age and gender, people laugh delightedly, joke, make memes, print T-shirts with Mengo's face and the word 'ewe' – marking her participation, her agency, her pleasure. Besides many expressing recognition of 'her gameplay,' no one is going all out to shame Mengo. In this space, indigenous language speakers understand nuance, social cues, cultural code, idioms in isiXhosa and the many languages of South know that when Mbenenge refers to isiXhosa idioms and relational behaviours, he is not harking back to some precolonial animist past as liberal media asserts. He is speaking of DNA memory – the knowledge that African life has not been entirely erased by whiteness, that Ubuntu and cultural coding still live in modern African existence. For white structural racism, this is intolerable. What it cannot understand, it cannot rationalise. What it cannot rationalise, it must sully. What it cannot sully, it must discipline. The inquisitor's grasp moves in to capture, restrain, and reimpose bondage. As Fanon warned, 'the colonised is elevated above his jungle status in proportion to his adoption of the mother country's cultural standards.' Any trace of unapologetic African intellectual and erotic agency, humour, or joy threatens this fragile white psychic order. What Machinery is at Work Here? This tribunal, then, is not only a legal proceeding; it is a political operation, where the machinery of whiteness works hand in hand with state power, NGOs, media platforms, and donor-aligned intellectuals to neutralise a judge who refused to serve colonial interests. It is no coincidence that Judge President Selby Mbenenge blocked Shell's seismic blasting along the Transkei coast, protecting ancestral marine lands from exploitation by powerful international actors. Shell (via BG International) and Impact Africa are leading the Transkei offshore exploration bid, while TotalEnergies, QatarEnergy, and Sasol have been advancing their own offshore successes further west, in the Orange Basin off South Africa's west coast. TotalEnergies and QatarEnergy recently secured significant stakes in Block 3B/4B of the Orange Basin, consolidating a major fossil fuel presence alongside Sasol's earlier partnerships. Mbenenge's ruling against Shell must be seen not merely as environmental justice but as a rare legal obstruction to a growing multinational fossil fuel push, largely headquartered in London, Paris, Doha, and Johannesburg. His landmark directives to rename Eastern Cape courts with indigenous African names also signalled a deeper dismantling of the linguistic and legal scaffolding of colonialism — a stance that may help explain why he has been targeted and discredited in other public arenas. These are decolonial interventions that have rattled both local elites and global extractive interests. And now, on Black X, we see why this moment has caught has become a symbol of a man who refuses shaming, a man who playfully, rather than patriarchally, knows his way around women's pleasure, a man whose unapologetic erotic agency defies the colonial scripts that position Black men as either dangerous or deviant. Mbenenge stands for an African masculinity that refuses containment, that speaks of mutual pleasure, that celebrates the playful, relational, and knowing erotic exchanges of African life. He insists that private flirtation is his right as much as it is Mengo's, arguing with conviction in the face of a non-Black legal team linked to an ecosystem of liberal media, ngo's, and, quite possibly intelligence think tanks, all working in tandem to remove him from his position. Together with his brilliant advocate, Muzi Sikhakhane, Mbenenge has, in many ways, put whiteness itself on trial – exposing how it moves through media headlines, NGO scripts, donor-backed moral campaigns, and institutional inquisitions. This is not the end of his story. It is the beginning of a broader political and cultural eruption – a struggle to reclaim African erotic agency, economic and environmental sovereignty, and decolonial justice. Black X will fight back. *Gillian Schutte is a filmmaker, and a well-known social justice and race-justice activist and public intellectual. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or Independent Media.
Russia Today
5 days ago
- Politics
- Russia Today
Nelson Mandela: A lifelong struggle for equality and independence
Modern-day South Africa is a true melting pot, home to diverse nationalities. At the forefront of shaping the modern Republic of South Africa was Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, the country's first black president, who dedicated his life to the fight for equality among all people, regardless of race. Mandela not only championed the rights of the indigenous population which had been oppressed throughout the 20th century, he also steered the nation away from a potential civil war. He fought against the oppression of black South Africans under the apartheid government, consistently emphasizing that 'South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.' In global history and politics, few people have had the privilege of being remembered as active peacemakers between warring factions. This is why Mandela continues to be a symbol and moral compass for various ideologically and politically diverse groups and organizations — not just in Africa, but around the world. South Africa boasts one of the most varied demographic landscapes in the world. Its population, which exceeds 60 million, is mostly Black African (over 80%), as well as White, Indian, and mixed race. In addition to the Bantu communities, who form the largest ethnic group, South Africa is home to the Khoisan, Nguni, Tswana, Sotho, Tsonga, and Venda peoples. The white minority primarily consists of Afrikaners – descendants of Dutch and other European settlers (Boers). However, these ethnic groups have not always enjoyed equal rights. For a long time, South Africa's black population endured the oppression of the white minority. In 1910, four British colonies: Cape Colony, Natal, Transvaal, and the Orange Free State, united to form a new nation under British and Afrikaner rule – the Union of South Africa. This self-governing dominion within the British Empire was established after the Anglo-Boer Wars (1899-1902) which were fought between British forces and the Afrikaners for control over South Africa's resources. The Union of South Africa began implementing laws that systematically stripped the native population of its rights. In 1913, the authorities limited land ownership for black South Africans to just 7% of the total territory. By 1923, they had prohibited black individuals from living in urban areas unless they were employed there, and in 1936, they revoked their voting rights. The final 'enslavement' of the indigenous population occurred in 1948 when the National Party, led by Afrikaners, won the elections and officially instituted a policy of racial segregation known as apartheid (the Afrikaans word for 'separateness'). The party's campaign appealed to white voters with slogans encouraging to fight 'the black danger.' Nelson Mandela was born on July 18, 1918, in the village of Mvezo in eastern South Africa. He belonged to the Thembu, a sub-ethnic community of the Xhosa people. His first name, Rolihlahla, translates to 'pulling the branch of a tree' or 'troublemaker.' The name Nelson was given to him by a schoolteacher at a Methodist mission school. Thanks to the guidance of elders, Mandela absorbed both Western education and the traditions of his people. Mandela was a member of a ruling clan dynasty, and his background influenced his political approach. His political philosophy combined traditional values with modern governance principles. He referred to the legacy of the Xhosa as 'democracy in its purest form.' In 1939, Mandela was admitted to the University of Fort Hare — the only institution of higher learning open to black and mixed-race individuals at the time. Two years later, he moved to Johannesburg, a city known for its gold mines, where he began working at a law firm. There, he witnessed the brutal inequalities that black South Africans faced daily. Describing the average citizen, Mandela wrote: 'His life is circumscribed by racist laws and regulations that cripple his growth, dim his potential, and stunt his life.' 'Colored people' were forcibly relocated to overcrowded areas to free up major cities for white residents. Freedom of movement was also restricted; Black South Africans were required to carry passbooks to travel outside the designated territories, known as bantustans. Failing to present the document upon request could lead to arrest and imprisonment. 'I cannot pinpoint a moment when I became politicized, when I knew that I would spend my life in the liberation struggle. To be an African in South Africa means that one is politicized from the moment of one's birth, whether one acknowledges it or not,' Mandela wrote in his autobiography. In 1944, he joined the African National Congress (ANC), the oldest political organization representing indigenous people, founded in 1912. Throughout the 20th century, the ANC advocated for equal rights for all South Africans and fought against racial segregation. Within the ANC, Mandela and his comrades: Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Anton Lembede, and Ashby Peter Mda, established the Youth League, whose manifesto called for equality among all racial groups and land redistribution. Nelson Mandela's views were initially influenced by Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolent resistance. In 1952, he became one of the founders of the Defiance Campaign, which organized peaceful demonstrations against the racist laws enacted by the National Party. During this campaign, over 8,000 individuals were arrested for peacefully defying apartheid laws — for example, by entering 'white only' territories. By the 1950s, Mandela's political activism had attracted increased attention from the authorities. Police prohibited him from speaking publicly, and restricted his movement across the country. Meanwhile, the government continued to limit the rights of citizens based on race. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 established a separate and inferior education system for black South Africans, aimed at preparing them for roles as laborers and servants. The curriculum was intentionally restrictive, and the funding was minimal — in the 1970s, the government spent 644 rand per white student compared to just 42 rand per black student. One of the most significant achievements of Mandela and the ANC was organizing the Congress of the People in 1955, where 3,000 delegates adopted the Freedom Charter, proclaiming equality for all: 'South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white.' Shortly afterward, in 1960, a peaceful protest against passbook laws took place in Sharpeville. Police opened fire on the crowd, resulting in 69 deaths and over 180 injuries. In response to the protest, the ANC was banned by the authorities. This raised urgent questions about the need to organize armed resistance. A year later, Mandela founded uMkhonto weSizwe (MK), which means 'Spear of the Nation' in the Zulu and Xhosa languages, the paramilitary wing of the ANC. As the leader of MK, Mandela secretly traveled throughout the country and operated out of a farm in Rivonia, then a suburb of Johannesburg. He also journeyed abroad, engaging in discussions with leaders of emerging independent African nations, most notably Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika (part of modern-day Tanzania) and Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia, about the need to fight against apartheid. On August 5, 1962, on his way back from a trip, Mandela was arrested; this time, the apartheid government was determined to silence the charismatic leader whom thousands of people were ready to follow. During the Rivonia Trial, which lasted from 1963 to 1964, Mandela steadfastly defended his beliefs. His speech from the dock in 1964 emphasized the necessity of eradicating racial superiority, building an egalitarian society, and his willingness to die for this cause: 'I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. 'It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result in racial domination. Political division, based on color, is entirely artificial and, when it disappears, so will the domination of one color group by another. The ANC has spent half a century fighting against racialism. When it triumphs, it will not change that policy.' Mandela was sentenced to life in prison for organizing armed resistance against the apartheid government. The authorities held him in various prisons, but he spent the majority of his sentence, 18 out of 27 years, on Robben Island. Political prisoners were kept together, which helped ease the harshness of their confinement and allowed them to continue their fight, even if it was limited to the confines of their cells. ANC members exchanged opinions and engaged in debates with one another and with other inmates. In 1962, Mandela began studying law through correspondence courses from the University of London. He continued his education in prison and even took on the role of lecturer for fellow inmates. Meanwhile, the government continued to restrict the freedoms of black citizens, encroaching upon their private lives. Between 1950 and 1985, under the Immorality Act, which prohibited relationships between different races, 19,000 people were prosecuted, with many arrested without trial. Despite his incarceration, Mandela's popularity in the country grew, making him a symbol of resistance against the regime. In the 1970s, the authorities offered to release Mandela on the condition that he renounce the armed struggle. In 1974, the Minister of Justice visited him, but Mandela refused to make deals with the government. Tensions escalated as pressure mounted on the government from the UN, European nations, and African states condemning apartheid. To quell public outrage, the authorities resorted to violent tactics once again. In 1976, thousands of black students in Soweto protested against the mandatory use of the Afrikaans language in schools. The police responded with brutal force, firing live ammunition into the crowd, resulting in at least 176 deaths. In 1985, South African President Pieter Willem Botha announced he would consider freeing Mandela if he publicly condemned violence. Mandela once again rejected these unilateral terms, and this made him even more popular in society. Protests erupted across the nation, prompting the Afrikaner government to declare a state of emergency. Ultimately, independently of the ANC, Mandela recognized the need to lay the groundwork for official negotiations, fearing the country was headed toward civil war. While still in prison, he met with the Minister of Justice, the Minister of Safety, and the president. Progress in negotiations was only achieved, however, in late 1989, after a change in government leadership. In February 1990, the ANC and several other previously banned organizations were legalized. Nelson Mandela was released to a jubilant crowd. This marked the beginning of an official negotiation process aimed at dismantling the apartheid system and finding compromises in governance. Although the ANC owed much of its presence in the political arena to Mandela's personal contributions, he did not impose his will on the party. Upon his release, he was not interested in seizing power; rather, he coordinated actions with colleagues and was prepared to make concessions. In July 1991, Nelson Mandela was elected president of the African National Congress (ANC), and by 1994, South Africa held its first parliamentary elections that granted voting rights to all citizens. The ANC received nearly two-thirds of the votes. Mandela became the nation's president, with F.W. de Klerk and Thabo Mbeki, an ANC member, serving as deputy presidents. A primary goal of his presidency was national reconciliation, bringing both the oppressed and the oppressors into the government as a crucial step toward dismantling the legacy of apartheid. 'I knew as well as I knew anything that the oppressor must be liberated just as surely as the oppressed. A man who takes away another man's freedom is a prisoner of hatred... The oppressed and the oppressor alike are robbed of their humanity,' said Mandela. Nelson Mandela's legacy is deeply ingrained not only in South African culture but all around the world. He is remembered as a symbol of resilience, forgiveness, and the power of reconciliation. His wisdom helped steer the country away from the brink of civil war. While he aimed to protect the rights of marginalized groups, he never sought revenge against the white minority or discriminated against them. Mandela consistently resisted authoritarianism and stepped down after his first presidential term (1994-1999). As Mikatekiso Kubayi, researcher at the Institute for Global Dialogue and the Institute for Pan African Thought and Conversation, noted in an interview with RT, Mandela's legacy is very much alive in South Africa. 'Up to this day, you simply can't separate his legacy from it. His influence is still very much there. So, the president Cyril Ramaphosa pays homage to the influence of late former president Mandela as well, because his legacy is embedded in many things, the many ways, the ways we run government, the ways we run the Congress, the way we do our politics. For instance, breakaway parties like the EFF, now MK party and the APC, the UDM and others still carry some of the DNA of the liberation movement that shaped the former president,' he said. Nelson Mandela passed away on December 5, 2013, but his legacy lives on. He remains a global moral leader. The Nelson Mandela Foundation, established in 1999, continues his work of promoting peace, democracy, and social justice worldwide. In 2014, the United Nations established the Nelson Mandela Prize for achievements in social transformation, as Mandela's life story serves as a timeless testament to perseverance and indomitable will.
TimesLIVE
5 days ago
- Entertainment
- TimesLIVE
The power of Klippies and Coke
Ever since the news of the49 Afrikaners landing in the US, I noticed I know precious little about Afrikaner culture and the Afrikaans language. This is despite my passing it in school and being a resident of Boksburg. To right this, I have borrowed from the out-of-favour red beret cum MK Party alleged usurper Floyd Shivambu and have embarked on a lis tening assignment to better understand the deep connections I share with my Afrikaaner broederen. Recently I was at a rugby game and spent the afternoon chewing on biltong, gyrating to Bernice West's Komma Nader and calling random people china. It was great. I have also been reliably informed that Klippies and Coke is a national treasure. One toppie went as far as telling me he could forgo water and food the entire day, but would be right as rain with this beverage in hand. His missus nodded in agreement, so it was hard for me to counter with half-cooked facts about alcohol poisoning and the dangers of being in the grandstands while under the influence. Falling to his death was the least of his worries. Seems my chinas just love having fun. They organise impromptu braais in the parking lot, they have all agreed the Toyota Hilux is God's gift to motoring, and will do almost anything for you when you mention Nelson Mandela. One thing I am battling with, however, are the very short shorts and high socks. We are in the middle of winter and though everyone and their dog is walking around in thick jackets and boots, I spotted a few chinas bare chested in khaki shorts traversing the isles of the stadium barefoot. The Springboks were thrashing the Italians so I figured they were high on Bokke fever. That night I had the strangest of dreams though. I woke up in a sweat and wondered if I should consult those people who read cards or decipher dreams. Ever notice how real dreams feel when you're sleeping, but when you wake up they are the height of nonsense? This was the case with mine. In the dream I had just woken up and was making a cup of coffee when I heard the gate open. I expected the alarm to go off and when it didn't, I raced to the keypad, saw it had been tampered with and pressed the panic button. Shortly after, Gert, a burly Afrikaans man, sped in and jumped out of his Renault Kwid, gun in hand. I peeped through the window and gestured in the direction of the criminals who were about to make off with my pot plants and garden sheers. That is when the dream took the strangest of turns. I love those plants, and I was itching to see Gert mete out some Bruce Lee style kicking and jumping, but he stopped abruptly, holstered the gun and calmy spoke in Afrikaans, urging the guys to stop what they were doing and leave at once. I was furious, but I don't know a word of Afrikaans. Yes, I could hear what he was saying, but speaking was another story. Dreams are like that. I peered through the door and yelled: 'Skiet hom, Gert, skiet hom.' That's when Gert looked at me, broke out in song and started dancing to Komma Nader. Soon we were all jorling and having a great time passing around Klippies and Coke. While I won't be wearing shorts in this weather anytime soon, I look forward to hosting a braai this summer. So don't be surprised when you hear me call you china, munch biltong relentlessly and forgo water for some Klippies.
IOL News
15-07-2025
- Entertainment
- IOL News
Mel Viljoen dishes on her big move: leaving South Africa for the land of opportunity
Peet and Melany Viljoen with DA leader, Helen Zille at Showmax's 'The Roast of Helen Zille'. Image: Instagram Melany Viljoen, a cast member of The Real Housewives of Pretoria, has recently opened up about her decision to leave South Africa for the United States, citing a range of personal and political reasons. In a candid conversation shared on Instagram with her husband, Peet Viljoen, Melany expressed her fears and frustrations regarding life in South Africa, which she described as increasingly threatening. The couple's move comes in the wake of US President Donald Trump's offer of refugee resettlement for Afrikaners and other minorities in South Africa who claim to be victims of racial discrimination. This announcement has sparked considerable debate and controversy, particularly regarding the portrayal of South Africa's socio-political landscape. The reality TV star articulated her safety concerns, stating that she felt her life was in jeopardy due to intimidation from individuals she identified as black South Africans. She claimed that her businesses were targeted, leading to an atmosphere of fear that ultimately pushed her to leave the country. "Black people would pitch at my business, at my house, at multiple of my businesses and try to intimidate the staff and try to intimidate me," she said. "It just became so scary for me in South Africa that I couldn't wait to leave." Additionally, she cited Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) laws as a significant factor in her decision to relocate. She expressed her belief that these laws fostered a sense of empowerment among black South Africans, which she perceives as a threat to her and her family's safety. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ "I lost my biggest contract because I'm not black. With the BEE laws and all their anti-white laws kicking into South Africa, it gives black people in SA the feeling that they have more power and that they can just kill who they want and take what they want," she stated. The Viljoens' relocation has not been without its challenges. They reportedly sold their businesses, including Tammy Taylor Nails, and have faced legal issues in the United States, including a court order to reimburse the real Tammy Taylor for trademark infringement. Despite these setbacks, the couple remains steadfast in their beliefs and has garnered a following among those who share their views. In recent interviews with News24, Melany has faced backlash for her comments regarding her experiences with black castmates on The Real Housewives Ultimate Girls Trip, where she expressed her disdain for working with them. Her husband, Peet, has also made headlines for openly admitting his racist sentiments, stating, "There is no doubt in my mind that I am a racist and hate South African black people." Melany, when asked if she shares his views, responded, "We hate corrupt black people - that's what we said." The Viljoens have positioned themselves as advocates for the Afrikaner community, expressing their support for Donald Trump and his policies. In a recent Instagram post, Melany declared, "President Trump sees us. The Boere are WELCOME in America. While the media spins and dilutes the truth, we stand FIRM. We will FIGHT FIGHT FIGHT for the Afrikaner. For justice. For freedom. For our future."
The Hindu
12-07-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Why is Trump taking aim at BRICS?
The story so far: U.S. President Donald Trump's threat to impose 10% tariffs on members of the BRICS grouping that held a summit in Rio de Janeiro this week is the latest in a series of similar threats. Why is BRICS in Mr. Trump's cross-hairs? Even before he was sworn in as U.S. President for the second time, Donald Trump had made it clear that he saw the BRICS grouping as 'anti-American' and a threat to the dollar that he needed to neutralise. On November 30 last year, Mr. Trump said the U.S. would require BRICS members to commit that they would not create a new BRICS common currency, 'nor back any other currency to replace the mighty U.S. dollar', threatening 100% tariffs on them. It's a threat he has repeated several times since. Mr. Trump's irritation appears to stem from BRICS declarations in South Africa in 2023 and Russia in 2024, where members that now also include Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran and the UAE, discussed a BRICS Cross-Border Payments Initiative that aims to facilitate trade and investment within BRICS countries using local currencies and other mechanisms. The initiative built momentum due to the problems Western sanctions on Russia have meant for trading partners in the Global South. What has the U.S. threatened to do? Last Sunday (July 6, 2025), just as BRICS leaders gathered in Rio for the 17th BRICS summit, Mr. Trump said in a social media post that any country aligning with BRICS would face a 10% added tariff. The penalty was 'just for that one thing' of being a member, Mr. Trump said later. It is unclear why the tariff rate was dropped to a tenth from the original threat of 100%, and even whether Mr. Trump will go through with the BRICS tariffs along with other reciprocal tariffs planned for August 1. But there seems little doubt that Mr. Trump wants BRICS de-fanged. 'You can tell the (U.S.) President is (upset) every time he looks at the BRICS de-dollarisation effort…(and) Rio didn't help,' said Steve Bannon, Trump's former White House chief strategist, according to Politico magazine. Editorial | Building resilience: On the 17th Summit of BRICS emerging economies In addition, the Trump administration has slapped 50% tariffs on Brazil after accusing President Lula da Silva of a 'witch-hunt' against former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, who faces charges of attempted coup. It has also imposed 30% tariffs on South Africa after accusing it of unequal trade, as well as expressing concerns over the treatment of Afrikaners (White South Africans). Republican Senators close to Mr. Trump also plan to bring a bill called the Sanctioning Russia Act of 2025 that seeks to place 500% tariffs on imports of oil and sanctioned Russian products, which would hurt Russia, as well as India and China, its two biggest importers. Are Mr. Trump's concerns valid? Mr. Trump's concerns about de-dollarisation have been denied by practically every BRICS member. The South African Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a detailed statement explaining why the BRICS attempt to use national currencies within the grouping is not the same as replacing the dollar as the global standard. While anti-U.S. rhetoric of some BRICS leaders has been harsh, the wording of the BRICS Rio declaration 2025 issued this week does not directly challenge the U.S. or the dollar. In the operative Paragraph 50, the leaders said they resolved to task ministers of finance and central bank governors 'to continue the discussion on the BRICS Cross-Border Payments Initiative and acknowledge the progress made by the BRICS Payment Task Force (BPTF) in identifying possible pathways to support the continuation of discussions on the potential for greater interoperability of BRICS payment systems.' Paragraph 13 expressed 'serious concerns' over the rise of unilateral tariff and non-tariff measures but didn't name the U.S. Where does India stand? The Modi government, hopeful of clinching a Free Trade Agreement with the U.S., has strenuously objected to Mr. Trump's categorisation of the BRICS as 'anti-American'. Also read: India will give a 'new form' to BRICS grouping in 2026: PM Modi In a parliamentary response on December 2, 2024, the MoS (Finance) Pankaj Chaudhury made it clear that the U.S. allegations referred to a report prepared by Russia during its chairmanship of BRICS, where it had spoken of 'possible alternatives relating to cross-border payments' and 'leveraging existing technology to find an alternative currency'. He added that the report was only 'taken note of' by other BRICS members, not adopted. In March 2025, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar was more categorical, saying there is no Indian policy to replace the dollar. He conceded, however, that BRICS members had differences, and there was no unified position of the grouping on the issue.
