logo
Solar boom counters power shortages in Niger

Solar boom counters power shortages in Niger

Yahoo16-04-2025

Solar panels like the ones on the roof of Elhadj Abdou's house are an increasingly common sight in Niger's capital, which is often hit by power cuts.
"There are no more power cuts here and there are no bills to pay, everything works on solar energy," said Abdou, who lives in Niamey's Lazaret neighbourhood.
Solar energy is booming in Niger, one of the world's sunniest countries, with sales of increasingly cheap solar panels going up and new projects coming online.
An unprecedented energy shortage in 2023 proved a turning point.
Neighbouring Nigeria suspended much of its electricity exports to the west African nation as part of regional sanctions against the ruling junta that toppled civilian president Mohamed Bazoum in July 2023.
Haoua Amadou, Niger's energy minister, said the measure led the country's electricity production to fall by 30 to 50 percent and forced state-owned power company Nigelec to impose planned power cuts that can last several days, especially in Niamey.
Nigeria has since resumed delivering electricity "but only providing 46 megawatts instead of the usual 80 megawatts", Amadou said.
Despite efforts to strengthen local production capacity, Niamey is still subject to controlled power shutdowns.
As a result, people and companies are increasingly turning to solar energy to fill the gaps.
- New lithium batteries -
"For the past two years, the solar market has been booming... demand remains high", said Djibril Tata, a solar equipment supplier whose sales are growing.
Another supplier, Hilaire Houndegnon, said he too had been benefiting from the bonanza.
"Business is good," said Houndegnon, reporting that sales had "more than doubled", with some 450 panels sold last year.
Experts say that recent lithium batteries, which last longer than previous models, along with Niger's increasingly qualified workers have contributed to the solar boom.
Panels, mostly imported from China, are regularly sold directly on the street.
The abundant supply has made solar equipment more accessible.
Prices for top-quality solar panels have been halved to under 50,000 CFA francs (about 75 euros).
"Even on a small budget, you can power a few light bulbs, a television and a fan," said technician Mahamadou Issa.
- Phone-charging for a fee -
Ali Amadou, a fruit street vendor in Niamey, has acquired a tiny solar panel, turning it into a side business.
"At night, I can turn the light on, during the day I charge cell phones," said Amadou, who charges about 100 CFA francs (0.15 euros) for the service.
Solar power is also popular in remote rural areas for powering drinking-water pumps.
International projects, funded by the World Bank or Arab humanitarian organisations, equip schools and hospitals to refrigerate vaccines and medicines.
Access to electricity in the vast desert country remains below 20 percent but new projects are under way and the junta, whose goal is to reduce its foreign dependency, is expected to keep up the pace.
Amadou, the energy minister, said a 19-megawatt project was under way near the central city of Agadez, while another more ambitious 200-megawatt project was among others being studied.
The country has been plagued by violence from groups linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State.
Since coming to power in 2023, the military rulers have severed relations with France, Niger's former colonial master.
They have quit several international and regional organisations that they see as too subservient to France or failing in the fight against jihadism.
bh/pid/djt/rlp-jj

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Millicom (Tigo) Strengthens South American Leadership with USD 380 Million Acquisition of Telefónica Ecuador
Millicom (Tigo) Strengthens South American Leadership with USD 380 Million Acquisition of Telefónica Ecuador

Yahoo

time2 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Millicom (Tigo) Strengthens South American Leadership with USD 380 Million Acquisition of Telefónica Ecuador

Millicom (Tigo) Strengthens South American Leadership with USD 380 Million Acquisition of Telefónica Ecuador Key Highlights: The acquisition reinforces Millicom's strategic position and operating scale in Latin America, strengthening its platform for long-term regional growth. The acquisition also enhances Millicom's geographic diversification, with the addition of Ecuador — a stable, dollarized economy with a supportive macroeconomic outlook — strengthening overall cash flow resilience. Ecuador's telecom sector shows consistent growth and regulatory momentum, offering a solid runway for long-term expansion and innovation. Luxembourg, June 13, 2025 – Millicom International Cellular S.A. ('Millicom') has signed a definitive agreement to acquire Telefónica's telecommunications operations in Ecuador in a transaction valued at USD 380 million. This acquisition aligns with Telefónica's broader strategy to reshape its portfolio in Latin America and presents Millicom with a strategic opportunity to strengthen its presence in South America, expanding into a stable, dollarized economy with favorable macroeconomic fundamentals. The deal significantly enhances Millicom's regional footprint and commercial reach, laying the foundation for innovation, digital inclusion, and sustained long-term growth. Ecuador's telecommunications sector — supported by consistent expansion in mobile and broadband services and an engaged regulatory environment — offers a compelling platform for Millicom to drive digital transformation. Marcelo Benitez, CEO of Millicom, commented: "This acquisition reflects our long-term confidence in Latin America and our commitment to purposeful, sustainable growth. Ecuador offers a dynamic and growing digital market within a stable, dollarized economy, making it a natural fit for Millicom's strategy. By expanding our presence in South America, we strengthen our platform for innovation, diversification, and long-term value creation.' The transaction is subject to regulatory approvals and other closing conditions. Ecuador Profile: Ecuador has a population of approximately 18.5 million (2025 est.), with a median age of 32.4 and 66% living in urban areas. Dollarized, open economy with resilience across energy, agriculture, and services. The fiscal deficit dropped from 3.5% to 1.4% of GDP in one year, while reserves increased by USD 2.4 billion. Backed by a USD 4 billion IMF facility, Ecuador is strengthening its macroeconomic stability without cutting social spending. IMF and World Bank-supported reforms are enhancing transparency, governance, and private-sector conditions, especially in infrastructure, energy, and telecom. Telefonica Ecuador ranks second in mobile in a fragmented telecom landscape. Mobile and broadband markets show consistent growth: +1.4% mobile, +3.6% fixed broadband. Telecom´s sector demonstrated resilience through recent economic volatility. -END- For further information, please contact: Press: Investors: Sofia Corral, Director Corporate Communications press@ Michel Morin, VP Investor Relations investors@ About MillicomMillicom (NASDAQ: TIGO) is a leading provider of fixed and mobile telecommunications services in Latin America. Through its TIGO® and Tigo Business® brands, the company provides a wide range of digital services and products, including TIGO Money for mobile financial services, TIGO Sports for local entertainment, TIGO ONEtv for pay TV, high-speed data, voice, and business-to-business solutions such as cloud and security. As of March 31, 2025, Millicom, including its Honduras Joint Venture, employed approximately 14,000 people and provided mobile and fiber-cable services through its digital highways to more than 46 million customers, with a fiber-cable footprint over 14 million homes passed. Founded in 1990, Millicom International Cellular S.A. is headquartered in Luxembourg with principal executive offices in Doral, Florida.

Why Iran may back down after Israel's devastating attack
Why Iran may back down after Israel's devastating attack

New York Post

time2 hours ago

  • New York Post

Why Iran may back down after Israel's devastating attack

In every war, after the first bullet flies, the first question asked is 'How does this end?' Anyone who confidently answers is either Nostradamus or nuts. That said, here is what we do know about what might come next: Fear-mongering to the contrary, it's difficult to see this growing into a wider war. Too many rungs are missing on the escalation ladder. Advertisement Iran doesn't have a lot to fight back with, and doing so on the ground is out of the question; there are too many countries in between. Iran's Air Force is too old, small, and ill-prepared to mount an effective campaign. Tehran's surrogates in Yemen, Gaza, Lebanon and Syria have all been battered. Iran can lob missiles and drones, but so can Israel. Want to guess who will come off better in that exchange? It's not Iran. Don't look for much from Moscow. Putin is bogged down in his Ukraine quagmire. Beijing sticks its neck out for no one. Iran's Arab neighbors are not only unlikely to help, they're probably quietly cheering (and some maybe not so quietly) any setbacks to Iran's nuclear weapons program. Meanwhile, back at home, the regime's leadership and infrastructure have been smacked around. We also know that most of Iran has had more than enough of the revolution and would be happy to see all mullahs take a long vacation. Advertisement Don't expect the world to come to Iran's rescue. Like every nation, Israel has the inherent right of self-defense. Iran has not only threatened to destroy Israel, it has played a heavy hand in attacks on it, from the Oct. 7 atrocities to attacks by the Houthis and Hezbollah. To be clear, Israel's action, like it or not, is not preventive or even preemptive war. The regime in Tehran has come after Israel, and Israel is defending itself. In addition, the Israelis have already weathered a world's worth of orchestrated criticism and worse, and they have been undeterred in defending their interests. Riots, shooting and firebombing innocent Jews in the street, calumnies, Greta Thunberg's armada — none of them have stopped Israel from defending Israelis. A few mean posts on social media won't make much of a difference. Advertisement Don't blame Donald Trump. President Trump is addicted to offering adversaries an off-ramp (unless you are a terrorist, then you just get whacked). The Iranians had their offer and kicked sand all over his negotiating table. Sure, they could do a sudden about-face and plead for a deal, but that's asking a lot from a regime that would do anything before bending a knee to the Great Satan. At the same time, the Israelis are doing what Trump has been demanding from friends and allies. Collective defense means showing you have skin in the game, a willingness to defend yourself. Trump is not a fan of starting wars or pushing regime change. If Tehran doesn't want to make their world even worse, the last step they should consider is striking out against the United States. Advertisement Get opinions and commentary from our columnists Subscribe to our daily Post Opinion newsletter! Thanks for signing up! Enter your email address Please provide a valid email address. By clicking above you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Never miss a story. Check out more newsletters No global entity that tried to deliberately kill and maim Americans while Donald Trump was the president of the United States ever achieved anything other than regretting that decision. With Israel's capacity to do more — to attack more accurately and more lethally — fighting a war of attrition does not look like a smart bet for Iran. More likely, Tehran is focused on the politics of its response. It might fire off a bunch of stuff like the Fourth of July and call it day. But who knows? Iran is down, not out. They may find other ways to try to strike back. What we do know is that this is not the end — not until Iran changes its policies of aggression, or its government. James Jay Carafano is Senior Advisor to the President and the E.W. Richardson Fellow at the Heritage Foundation.

October 7 Changed Israel's Calculus
October 7 Changed Israel's Calculus

Yahoo

time4 hours ago

  • Yahoo

October 7 Changed Israel's Calculus

The Atlantic Daily, a newsletter that guides you through the biggest stories of the day, helps you discover new ideas, and recommends the best in culture. Sign up for it here. Last night, Israel struck at Iranian nuclear facilities, military installations, and high-ranking military leaders and nuclear scientists, dealing an audacious blow at what Israelis of all stripes have long viewed as an existential threat. The attack also took many analysts, including me, by surprise. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has threatened to take such action for decades, but was never ready to execute. He was always restrained by military, diplomatic, and political factors, leaving Israel perpetually teetering on the edge of attacking Iran's nuclear program. And then last night, it took a decisive jump forward. Since the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel, several events combined to remove the constraints that had operated on Netanyahu, enabling him to forge ahead at the same time that Iran was allegedly racing toward nuclear breakout. The first and most important was Israel's devastatingly successful campaign in August and September to take out Hezbollah's top leadership and destroy much of its advanced-rocket stores. That attack provided a proof of concept for the similar campaign unfolding now against Iran. The combination of Israeli air power and intelligence neutralized Hezbollah's offensive capabilities, preventing an immediate response that would have overwhelmed the Israeli home front. The universal assumption in Israeli security circles had been that a war with Hezbollah might be necessary but would be very costly. The unexpected degree of success, however, reduced Israeli wariness about launching a similar campaign against Iran, despite expectations that a severe Iranian response might still be forthcoming. [Graeme Wood: Why Israel struck now] Israeli fear of diplomatic blowback has also diminished—ironically, not because such blowback has lessened, but because it has increased. For years, Israel has been worried that a regional war would lead to isolation, crumbling relationships with its Arab neighbors, and European opprobrium. Israel's campaign against Hamas and the resulting destruction in Gaza have created diplomatic challenges that once seemed unthinkable: The International Criminal Court has issued arrest warrants for Israel's prime minister and former defense minister, multiple government ministers are under personal sanctions from Europe and Canada, accusations that Israel is committing genocide are routine, and the regional normalization process has ground to a complete halt. Many Israelis have treated much of this with a shrug and moved on, embracing the adage that the fear of death is often worse than death itself. Israeli leaders have found all of this less consequential than they anticipated, and that makes their concerns about diplomatic isolation from an extended conflict with Iran less acute. And then President Donald Trump's distinctive foreign-policy approach created an environment in which Israel had more leeway to strike Iran but was also more likely to have to do it alone. Trump has been clear about his reticence to have more American military involvement in the Middle East—and since Israeli strikes have begun, he has rushed to clarify that the U.S. did not participate—but was also not going to hold Israel back if it was willing to proceed and accept the risks involved. Past U.S. administrations had withheld a green light from Israel, but had also intimated that they would be willing to deal with the threat of Iranian nuclear breakout if it became advanced enough. Trump's preference for avoiding military conflicts and his pursuit of a deal with Iran counterintuitively created a greater incentive for Israel to take action, because the U.S. was neither going to stop Israel from attacking nor necessarily stop Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Finally, for much of his tenure, Netanyahu has been Israel's most cautious prime minister when it comes to employing military force. But the aftermath of October 7, his criminal indictments and ongoing trial, and the deep unpopularity of his coalition have together led Netanyahu to throw all caution to the wind. His poll numbers are deeply underwater and have been since he first pursued his proposed judicial overhaul more than two years ago. The unpopularity of the war in Gaza, the sense that he has abandoned the remaining hostages held by Hamas in order to placate his far-right partners, his refusal to take any responsibility for October 7, and his capitulation to the Haredi parties on dodging military service so he can keep his government afloat have left him in a deep political hole. In such an environment, rolling the dice on an Iran strike—the only move left to him that will be popular across the Israeli political spectrum—might salvage his poll numbers at a time when he has little left to lose, and give him the boost he needs to call a snap election and remain in office. All Israeli leaders have warned about Iran for years, and the consensus that Iran seeks Israel's destruction is the primary factor behind the strikes that Israel has embarked upon. But the timing is not a coincidence, and the chain of events kicked off by Hamas's Yahya Sinwar changed Israel's military, diplomatic, and political standing in ways that enabled Israel to finally do what it had long promised but never delivered. Article originally published at The Atlantic

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store