'Football brings everyone together': Sligo Rovers provide coaching for prisoners
The Taoiseach has said that UN agencies should be "enabled and allowed" to distribute food aid in Gaza amid ongoing deaths at aid centres. Video: Bryan O'Brien
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Irish Examiner
an hour ago
- Irish Examiner
Government can't replace triple lock with vague criteria for deploying our troops
In the pipeline for over two years, the Government has finally published the general scheme for its proposed end to the triple lock. This 'heads of Bill' sets out the key provisions that will govern future deployment overseas of Irish troops. The process has hardly been rushed. The fact that the draft law has technical provisions covering arrangements for pre-1993 and Reserve Force members shows the department and Defence Forces have thought through the consequences of the changes. What is far less clear is the political thinking behind it. Two years after Taoiseach Micheál Martin's 2023 Consultative Forum on International Security Policy, there is little sign of any big political analysis in what will be a fundamental shift in how we decide peacekeeping and military engagement. The push to reform the triple lock — which requires Government and Dáil approval, plus a UN mandate before deploying more than 12 Defence Forces personnel overseas — rests on the reality that the UN Security Council has not approved a new peacekeeping mission since 2014. Retaining legislation that does not recognise this stark fact of UN politics is empty symbolism. While the 'Triple Lock' phrase is a recent construct, the law that underpins it is the Defence (Amendment) (No.2) Act 1960. It enshrined the core principle of a UN mandate. As did its later updates in 1993 and 2006, each update taking account of evolving circumstances. Introducing the 1960 Act in the Dáil, An Taoiseach Seán Lemass said, '…it is not only our moral duty but in our national interests to support the growth of the influence and power of the United Nations.' While the language may be a tad outdated, it describes a principled stance, grounded in national interest. One that still applies. Vague criteria I do not believe this government wants to abandon multilateralism. But the text it has produced suggests that neither an Taoiseach nor Tánaiste have given proper political thought to the impact of removing direct references to UN authority from our law. Citing Russia vetoes may make a good put-down in a terse discussion, but policy making by punchline is not good government. The criteria that replace the third element of the triple lock are vague. Head 6 cites 'principles of the United Nations Charter' and 'conformity with the principles of justice and international law.' Both are honourable principles but the heads of bill, as drafted, would effectively leave it to the government of the day to decide if the criteria were met. There is no reference to specific UN or OSCE resolutions. There is no requirement that missions be mandated by such resolutions. In effect, the opinion of the government of the day would replace a specific UN mandate. Removing the UN mandate requirement without robust, transparent criteria is a mistake. It risks eroding public trust in the legitimacy of and integrity of the process of sending troops on overseas missions. The public does not distinguish between peace support deployments to Lebanon or Congo, which were both UN-led, or to Kosovo or Bosnia which were Nato-led, or to Chad, which was EU-led. Regardless of who leads or runs a mission, the public views them all as UN-mandated missions. Peacekeeping deployments that were all in pursuance of UN resolutions. These missions also had widescale cross-party Dáil support. Replacing an explicit multilateral mandate with a politically subjective text risks politicising the process. We do not want future deployments decided by tight Dáil votes, where partisan, government versus opposition, considerations dominate. This would undermine public confidence. We should not squander such a valuable trust. Solution I understand what the Government is trying to achieve, but it is doing it the wrong way. Meanwhile, the total Opposition approach from across the Dáil floor, is just as flawed. Cross-party consensus is the way forward. And despite the rhetoric, it is within our grasp. We can create a new law that addresses current realities without undermining public support for future deployments. Instead of pushing through its proposals as outlined, the Government should invite Opposition amendments that clarify deployment criteria. Criteria and tests that better express our commitment to multilateralism. In return, the Opposition must accept that the 1960 Act needs reform and draft criteria that both recognise that the UN Security Council has not established a new mission since 2014 and reaffirm our national commitment to multilateralism. Playing party politics with this reform risks politicising future deployments. We spend too little political time discussing national defence and security. Wouldn't it be better to use what time we do make available, to addressing our massive defence shortfalls, especially as our Air Corps and Naval service struggle today to offer even the barest cover? We need a Defence Forces capable of meeting Ireland's obligations at home and also abroad. We need a principled multilateral framework for overseas deployments that commands public trust. That is the challenge facing us. With political direction and leadership from across the Dáil, we can have both.
Irish Times
2 hours ago
- Irish Times
Number of children in consistent poverty rises by `staggering' 45,000, report shows
The number of children in consistent poverty rose by a 'staggering' 45,000 to more than 103,000 last year, a report published on Tuesday says. The Child Poverty Monitor, published annually since 2020 by the Children's Rights Alliance, says the increase is 'deeply concerning' and comes despite major economic growth in 2024. It says: 'These are children for whom a decent standard of living and aspirations of a better future diminish day by day. This poverty is not inevitable. Policy decisions and budget investments determine the fate of these children and young people.' Consistent poverty means living in a household with an income less than 60 per cent of the median (€16,558 for a single person in 2023) and also unable to afford two of more basics like a second pair of sturdy shoes or to live in a warm home. READ MORE Oh housing, the report says constantly increasing homelessness figures – the latest for April showing there were 4,775 children in emergency accommodation – shows 'current policy is not working' and is 'inflicting untold trauma' on children. Thousands of children, though not homeless, live in overcrowded conditions. Overcrowding has effectively doubled in Ireland from 2021 to 2024, says the report. It calls for a Government examination of the impact of overcrowding on children and young people. The report notes referrals to Tusla increased by 70 per cent since 2019. 'Last year's budget allocation to Tusla was mostly to maintain existing levels of care, failing to acknowledge the spike in referrals and the increased complexity of cases. Budget 2026 cannot leave these children behind,' it says. 'We are calling for direct investment of €50 million to ensure our core child protection and welfare services are supported to help children most vulnerable in society.' On income adequacy, it says: 'The cumulative impact of continued rising costs has created a landslide effect for low-income families, meaning ensuring the very basic necessities, such as nutritious food or keeping your home warm become increasingly difficult. 'It is critical that [the Child Support Payment – a welfare payment to families dependent on social welfare in respect of each child] is increased adequately in Budget 2026, and that investment is sustained across subsequent budgets under this Government.' The report says funding for the Early Start programme, which aims to deliver universal and targeted supports to families in poverty with babies and toddlers, should be 'significantly scaled up in Budget 2026'. While welcoming a commitment to introduce a Deis-plus category for schools in the most acutely deprived areas, the monitor notes not all children in poverty attend Deis schools – missing the enhanced supports provided. Deis (Delivering Equality of opportunity In Schools) schools receive enhanced supports, allowing for smaller class sizes, additional literacy and numeracy supports and programmes to encourage optimum attendance and retention. 'We need to see the introduction of a dedicated fund for non-Deis schools so they can respond and support their students dealing with adverse childhood experiences,' says the alliance.
Irish Times
2 hours ago
- Irish Times
Reform zoned land tax to help solve housing ‘puzzle', says PwC
Ireland's tax on idle land zoned for housing must be reformed to encourage the level of private investment required to help solve the Republic's housing crisis, PwC has said. In a pre- budget submission, the Big Four accountancy firm has called on the Government to address the issue of housing development costs through taxation policy. 'At a time when the Government is actively focused on setting significantly increased targets for new housing output, it is critical that the policy environment for institutional capital is reviewed, and enhanced, if we are to attract the level of funding which will be required to support these new targets,' PwC said in the submission, published on Tuesday. At the top of the firm's wishlist for Budget 2026 is reform of the residential zoned land tax. Introduced in 2022 to encourage landowners to sell idle or vacant sites upon which housing could be developed, the tax is levied at 3 per cent annually on the market value of the land. READ MORE PwC said that while the tax is aimed at bringing down the cost of land by encouraging it to be brought to market, there are 'several issues' with its implementation that should be addressed as a 'matter of urgency'. Currently, landowners can defer payment of the tax under certain conditions. However, the Revenue Commissioners can claw back these deferred obligations if the ownership of the land changes. The Coalition should remove these clawback conditions for developers who sell unfinished land to third parties but are being engaged to complete the development on the site, PwC said. This so-called forward funding model is an increasingly common feature of the market here because it gives developers a degree of certainty around the financing of large-scale housing projects. PwC also said the stamp duty residential rebate scheme, which is due to conclude at the end of 2025, should be extended. The firm has also called on the Coalition to temporarily reduce the 13.5 per cent VAT rate on construction, 'specifically targeted at new, affordable houses and apartments for first-time buyers'. PwC said the average cost of delivering a three-bed, semidetached house in the greater Dublin area is €408,000, €48,478 of which is related to VAT charged at the 13.5 per cent reduced rate on the supply of immovable goods. A temporary reduction would be 'an effective measure to enable viability and increase affordability of newly developed residential property', PwC said. Paraic Burke, tax leader at PwC Ireland, said that at a time when geopolitical risks are rising, the Republic must look to 'control the controllables' domestically. 'While there are constraints about what we can do at international levels, domestically, Ireland has full control to determine its destiny on key domestic issues such as housing, decarbonisation and energy security,' he said. Mr Burke said a whole-of-government approach is required to solve the Republic's 'housing puzzle'. Among other things, PwC has also called on the Coalition to reduce the 33 per cent capital gains tax rate, which it said is one of the highest in Europe. A new 20 per cent rate would help to promote the transfer of businesses to future generations of business leaders, it said.
