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Secularism's Old Soldier

Secularism's Old Soldier

After reading A Maverick in Politics 1991-2024 (Juggernaut), my response was that this is a book written by a brilliant mind. These are not the memoirs of a maverick but a brilliant ideologue caught in a time capsule. It encapsulates the tragedy of the author's life and career as he so honestly acknowledges: 'What remains are the memories and fantasies of yesteryear. …..Coping with failure was more personal. …I just never thought the Gandhi family that had brought me into politics would bowl me out too. Do I regret having quit the Foreign Service midstream to take the plunge into politics? Not for one second. I took my decision consciously, never looking back, knowing that it might end in disaster, not triumph….No, I regret nothing'.
Unlike most who are 'born' into politics and do not switch from civil service to a completely different milieu, Mani, as we affectionately call him, refused after moving to politics, to change with the times, or accept that India had changed. He liked his time capsule and unlike Dr. Who, of BBC fame [a British science fiction programme produced by the BBC], refused to emerge from it. The consequences were clear and revealing and frequently tragic.

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Bunker-busting bomb: Why Israel needs Donald Trump to take out Iran's nukes
Bunker-busting bomb: Why Israel needs Donald Trump to take out Iran's nukes

Time of India

timean hour ago

  • Time of India

Bunker-busting bomb: Why Israel needs Donald Trump to take out Iran's nukes

As tensions between Israel and Iran escalate into open conflict, pressure is mounting on President Donald Trump to intervene militarily, particularly with one powerful weapon only the US possesses: the GBU-57 bunker-busting bomb. Israel's inability to destroy Iran's heavily fortified nuclear sites has intensified calls for American firepower, despite Trump's insistence on avoiding another Middle East war. Over the weekend, unnamed US officials told various US media that Trump had rejected an Israeli plan to assassinate Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, suggesting ongoing coordination between the allies. "Have the Iranians killed an American yet? No. Until they do, we're not even talking about going after the political leadership,' one official reportedly told Reuters . Trump, however, issued a stark warning: 'If we are attacked in any way, shape, or form by Iran, the full strength and might of the US Armed Forces will come down on you at levels never seen before.' Despite these threats, both CNN and the BBC confirm that Trump remains deeply reluctant to initiate direct strikes. He fears such a move would not only derail diplomatic efforts but also risk embroiling the US in an open-ended war without a clear exit, exactly the sort of entanglement his 'America First' doctrine seeks to avoid. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 2 Bed Homes At ₹6999 Per Month Starting At ₹47L Shriram Properties Learn More Undo Israel wants the GBU-57 – but only the US can use it The immediate problem is technical: Israel's air force, despite its sophistication, lacks the capability to destroy Iran's underground nuclear site at Fordow. As per CNN and the BBC, only the US's GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrator, designed to blast through 200 feet of reinforced concrete, stands a real chance of doing the job. The Israeli operation, codenamed 'Operation Rising Lion' has already taken out key nuclear scientists and military officials. But its ability to neutralise Iran's nuclear infrastructure remains in doubt. Former Vice President Mike Pence declared that if Israel's campaign fails to secure concessions from Tehran, 'then the United States should be prepared to join the conflict.' Distance between allies? Meanwhile, BBC reports indicate Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has privately claimed the attacks were 'fully coordinated' with the US, even as Trump publicly distances Washington from offensive involvement. Netanyahu's real goal — whether he says so openly or not, and he has come close — is degrading the Iranian state so thoroughly that the assault hastens the fall of the Islamic republic. An op-ed in the Washington Post With missile fire still raging between Israel and Iran, Trump has warned residents of Tehran to 'immediately evacuate,' even as he left the G7 summit in Canada to return to Washington. Iran has responded with waves of missile attacks, and while Trump has refrained from committing US troops to Israeli operations, officials now point to a decisive military option that could tip the balance: the Massive Ordnance Penetrator, or GBU-57. 'If this ends with Fordo still enriching, then it's not a strategic gain,' said Brett McGurk, a former US national security adviser, referring to the underground Iranian nuclear facility that has long been a key concern for the West. What is the GBU-57? The GBU-57A/B Massive Ordnance Penetrator (MOP) is the US military's most powerful non-nuclear bunker-busting bomb. Weighing 30,000 pounds, it is specifically designed to destroy deeply buried and fortified nuclear facilities, like Iran's Fordo site. Only B-2 stealth bombers are capable of carrying the MOP. It is GPS-guided for precise targeting. The bomb's casing is forged from a high-strength steel alloy to ensure it can penetrate hardened structures before detonation. This makes the MOP uniquely suited to strike targets buried deep within mountains — sites inaccessible to other conventional weapons and beyond the reach of Israel's arsenal. What has the US government said about it? A 2012 classified report from the Pentagon's Director of Operational Test and Evaluation (DOT&E) concluded that the MOP is capable of effectively targeting hardened underground facilities: Between 2008 and 2012, extensive testing included: Two sled tests at Holloman Air Force Base to validate weapon re-design. Five live B-2 bomber drops on representative targets at White Sands Missile Range. Three of these drops involved live warheads, with all tests confirming target destruction. The report assessed that after redesign improvements, the weapon system met operational expectations. Why it matters now With Israel's arsenal lacking both the MOP and the B-2 aircraft required to deliver it, the US remains the only country capable of deploying this weapon. If diplomatic efforts collapse and Iran continues enriching uranium at Fordo, Trump retains the option of ordering a strike using the GBU-57.

Everything A Caste Census Will Change For India
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Op Sindoor: How India defeated Pakistan in the war of narratives too
Op Sindoor: How India defeated Pakistan in the war of narratives too

First Post

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In the theatre of global perception, silence is not neutrality, India understood this—launching a coordinated, image-conscious campaign that outmanoeuvred Pakistan's fragmented efforts read more Prime Minister Narendra Modi greets Congress MP Shashi Tharoor with a handshake while hosting members of the delegation involved in the global outreach for Operation Sindoor. Image: PMO After the dust of Operation Sindoor settled, India and Pakistan turned swiftly to the international arena—not to wage war, but to win the war of narratives. From Washington to Doha, London to The Hague, both nations dispatched delegations of diplomats, ex-generals, lawmakers, and lobbyists. Their task: to claim moral high ground, frame the facts, and influence global opinion. India, which launched Operation Sindoor on 7 May 2025 in response to the killing of 24 pilgrims and soldiers in the Pahalgam Valley, targeted nine terrorist bases in Pakistan with precision airstrikes. But it was the diplomatic campaign that followed which truly stunned observers. Seven all-party delegations—comprising 51 MPs from across the political spectrum, including Shashi Tharoor, Ravi Shankar Prasad, and Kanimozhi Karunanidhi—fanned out to 33 countries, from the United States and United Kingdom to Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, and Brazil. High-ranking female officers, both Hindu and Muslim, fronted briefings, projecting India's democratic pluralism. In key capitals like Washington, London, and Abu Dhabi, India presented evidence of Pakistan's 'state complicity' in cross-border terrorism. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD As one senior British official privately remarked, 'India walked into this prepared—not just with talking points, but with the optics.' The delegations, framed by a rare bipartisan unity, justified not only the strikes but also India's suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty—moves that resonated in Western corridors of power. Pakistan, by contrast, faltered in its response. A high-profile delegation led by Pakistan People's Party (PPP) Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari—including former ministers Hina Rabbani Khar and Khurram Dastgir Khan—targeted the United States in hopes of countering India's narrative and calling for an international investigation. Yet Pakistan's broader effort, vaguely described as a 'peace mission' to unnamed capitals, lacked both India's scope and strategic clarity. In a diplomatic own goal, Pakistan's Defence Minister admitted to Yalda Hakim on Sky News UK that the country had engaged in covert operations for Western powers. 'Well, we have been doing this dirty work for the United States and the West for three decades,' he confessed. The admission, perhaps meant to evoke sympathy, instead triggered unease in a world still reckoning with the legacy of 9/11 and the chaotic withdrawal from Kabul. The reputational fallout deepened at the Middle East Institute in Washington, where former US Ambassador to Pakistan Anne Patterson delivered a bracing verdict: 'First to admit that I was shocked that India did not have to present any evidence at all,' she said. 'They simply said that Pakistan was still engaged in terrorism, and international observers—I hate to say—tended to believe India's claim because of its relations with the US and [Pakistan's] previous support for these groups.' Patterson's remarks laid bare Pakistan's credibility crisis—one rooted in a security doctrine that allied with Washington by day, while allegedly sheltering terror proxies by night. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD She pointed to a lingering 'serious hangover' from the war in Afghanistan, where Pakistan's duplicity—serving as both ally and enabler—fuelled the perception of American failure. That same ambiguity continues to haunt Islamabad's diplomatic standing. India, by contrast, shrewdly leveraged its international relationships, weaving its narrative into the language of global values: democracy, gender equality, and secularism. Its disciplined messaging, inclusive visuals, and high-level access helped recast a military operation as a morally justified act of self-defence. Malaysia, despite Pakistan's alleged attempts to obstruct India's visit, hosted constructive talks. The United States and United Kingdom offered tacit support. Whether India's domestic realities fully reflect these ideals is open to scrutiny, but in diplomacy, perception matters as much as policy. Pakistan's messaging remains reactive and disjointed. Its recent appointment as vice-chair of the UN Security Council's Counter-Terrorism Committee, touted as a diplomatic win, instead drew attention to contradictions that India expertly exploited. Bilawal's delegation faced an uphill battle in Washington—especially as Indian officials, including Tharoor, delivered coordinated counter-narratives. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Patterson's closing remark—'We need to put all that behind us… the international community and Pakistan need to continue to press on an international investigation'—was a quiet olive branch. But it came with a condition: Pakistan must confront its past with honesty, not deflection. In the theatre of global perception, silence is not neutrality. India understood this—launching a coordinated, image-conscious campaign that outmanoeuvred Pakistan's fragmented efforts. Pakistan cannot 'out talk' India abroad until it speaks the truth to itself at home. The author is a strategist in international relations and economic development. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

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