No blackmail, Assamese is official language: Sarma
Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma affirmed Assamese as the state's official language. He cautioned against exploiting language for coercion. This statement followed claims by ABMSU leader Mainuddin Ali. Ali suggested Bengali-speaking Muslims might favor Bengali in official contexts. Sarma stated that declaring Bengali on documents would only reveal the number of foreigners. He emphasized Assamese's permanent status in Assam.
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The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
The British Left's second act
In late July 2025, Jeremy Corbyn announced the formation of a new left-wing political party alongside former Labour MP Zarah Sultana, marking a new chapter for one of Britain's unique political figures in the past decade. Operating under the provisional name 'Your Party', this venture represents Mr. Corbyn's boldest move since his expulsion, last year, from the Labour Party he once led. Mr. Corbyn is also part of the Independent Alliance, a parliamentary grouping of six independent MPs consisting of five Muslims — including Ms. Sultana as the sole woman — who have positioned themselves as vocal critics of the current Labour government's policies on everything from welfare cuts to arms sales to Israel. The announcement has already generated strong grassroots enthusiasm, according to Mr. Corbyn, with over 6,50,000 people signing up for membership in the party's first weeks — a figure that suggests a significant appetite for an alternative to current Prime Minister Keir Starmer's Labour. This surge of support recalls the unexpected momentum that first propelled Mr. Corbyn to the Labour leadership nearly a decade ago. The Corbyn breakthrough In 2015, Mr. Corbyn's successful bid for the Labour leadership caught the political establishment completely off guard. As Andrew Murray, one of Mr. Corbyn's key advisers, reflected in a recent interview in Jacobin magazine, the victory was 'totally unexpected' and driven by 'exasperation within the Labour membership with the legacy of New Labour'. While his rivals offered tepid continuations of the (Tony) Blair-(Gordon) Brown era, Mr. Corbyn represented something genuinely different: authentic opposition to neoliberalism, a commitment to mass movement politics rather than pure parliamentary politics, and an uncompromising anti-imperialist foreign policy stance. This combination was remarkable in the context of European social democracy. Unlike left-wing movements in Spain, Germany, or France that emerged from communist traditions or as entirely new formations, Mr. Corbyn accomplished something unique in European politics: he captured the leadership of a major, mainstream, social democratic party from a position of fundamental opposition to its decades-long trajectory toward centrism. In some ways, his rise was similar to that of Bernie Sanders in the Democratic Party in the U.S. at a similar time. His programmatic positions included renationalisation of utilities, massive public investment, and wealth redistribution — policies that were always characterised as 'Old Labour' and hadn't been seriously proposed by Labour leadership in decades, except by popular but sidelined leaders like Tony Benn. The 2017 general election validated this approach. Against all expectations, Mr. Corbyn led Labour to its biggest vote swing since 1945, securing 40% of the vote — a performance matched by only two other Labour campaigns since 1970, under Mr. Blair. Enemies within However, Mr. Corbyn's functioning as Labour leader was constantly undermined by fierce resistance from within his own party. Mr. Murray estimates that at least 80% of Labour MPs opposed Mr. Corbyn 'with different degrees of vehemence and for different reasons'. This internal hostility created what Mr. Murray describes as feeling 'like an encampment in the middle of enemy fire the whole time, coming from your own side'. This was also exacerbated by a hostile media that lampooned or mischaracterised many of his positions ruthlessly. The opposition intensified around Mr. Corbyn's foreign policy positions, particularly his solidarity with Palestinian rights and criticism of Israeli policies, honed over decades as a Labour back-bencher and peace activist. This anti-imperialist stance proved especially threatening to the Labour establishment, which as Mr. Murray notes, was willing to tolerate domestic policy changes such as nationalising water companies but 'if a government was going to compromise nuclear weapons or NATO or even support for Israel, those would be red lines'. This foreign policy stance became a focal point of opposition, with allegations of anti-Semitism within the Labour Party being used to attack his leadership. While Mr. Murray acknowledges there were genuine issues that needed addressing, he and others have argued that the controversy was inflated into a smear campaign with the aim of discrediting Mr. Corbyn's critique of Israeli policies. The accusations created a 'moral damage' that paralysed Mr. Corbyn's leadership and drained energy from his team, even if they weren't the primary factor in his eventual electoral defeat. The issue that ultimately proved fatal to Mr. Corbyn's leadership was Brexit. Initially, he managed to straddle Britain's fundamental political divide by promising to 'respect the referendum result' in 2016 while delivering a different Brexit than the Tories. This position helped maintain support amongst traditional Labour voters in working-class constituencies who had voted Leave, while not completely alienating Remain supporters. However, mounting pressure from a newly energised pro-EU movement and overwhelming Remain sentiment among Labour members forced him into an increasingly untenable position. By 2019, Labour had committed to a second referendum — a stance that proved electorally catastrophic. As Mr. Murray predicted, this position cost Labour dozens of seats in traditional working-class strongholds and failed to deliver equivalent gains in Remain-supporting areas. The Brexit debate starkly exposed the deep division within Labour's electoral coalition, pitting its liberal and urban supporters against the party's traditional working class constituency in seats that voted to leave the EU. This split mirrors similar divisions affecting left-wing parties across the developed world, where globalisation has created divergent interests between different segments of the progressive coalition, particularly seen in the Democratic Party in the U.S. with the rise of Donald Trump's populism. Following Labour's 2019 defeat, Mr. Starmer systematically dismantled Mr. Corbyn's legacy within the party. Mr. Corbyn was suspended and eventually expelled, while many of his allies were marginalised or forced out. Mr. Starmer's centrist approach proved electorally successful in 2024, delivering Labour its largest parliamentary majority in decades. However, this victory hid a glaring statistic — Labour actually received fewer votes than Mr. Corbyn had achieved in his 2019 defeat, winning primarily due to the collapse of Conservative support and vote-splitting on the Right between the Tories and Reform UK. With a historically low vote share for a winning party, Mr. Starmer's government has struggled to maintain public support. More problematically for Labour's left flank, Mr. Starmer has continued many Conservative policies, maintaining austerity measures such as cutting winter fuel allowances for pensioners, and continuing defence partnership with Israel despite its devastating attacks in Gaza, which international rights organisations and many in Britain describe as genocide. This has created the political vacuum that Mr. Corbyn's new party hopes to fill. Yet, his new venture faces formidable challenges. At 76, Mr. Corbyn is no longer the energetic outsider who captured imaginations in 2015. As writer Richard Seymour noted in his assessment of the post-Corbyn Left in 2020, the fundamental conditions that enabled the original Corbyn surge — economic austerity as the dominant political issue, faith in traditional social democratic solutions — have evolved significantly. There is a reason why Mr. Corbyn's strongest allies presently have been limited to those who agree with his positions on the Gaza issue. 'Democratic crisis' The current political moment is shaped by different dynamics: immigration anxieties, cultural polarisation, and what Mr. Seymour identifies as a broader 'democratic crisis' that transcends simple economic grievances. The Left's traditional focus on 'bread and butter' issues, while still relevant, may prove insufficient in addressing these deeper structural problems. Moreover, the working-class base that formed Labour's traditional foundation has been fundamentally altered by decades of deindustrialisation and social change. The Brexit vote exposed how many traditional Labour voters prioritise cultural and democratic concerns over economic redistribution, creating the very split that ultimately destroyed Mr. Corbyn's electoral coalition. While his name recognition and symbolic value remain significant assets, the energy and dynamism required for party-building may need to come from younger figures such as Ms. Sultana. Also, the British first-past-the-post system makes breakthrough difficult for new parties, while Labour's current weakness across multiple fronts— facing challenges from Reform UK on the Right, the Greens and independents on the Left, and the SNP in Scotland —suggests the political landscape remains highly fragmented. Yet, the early enthusiasm for 'Your Party' suggests genuine hunger for an alternative to Mr. Starmer's centrist approach. With Britain facing continued economic stagnation, social unrest, and international crises, there remains space for a left-wing alternative. Whether this new formation can avoid the sectarian splits that have historically plagued the British Left, adapt to changed political conditions, and provide leadership beyond Mr. Corbyn's eventual retirement, remains an open question.
India.com
an hour ago
- India.com
Bangladesh belongs to all, says army chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman during Janmashtami celebration at Dhaka's Dhakeshwari temple
(Image: New Delhi: Bangladesh Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman has said that Bangladesh is a country of people of all religions and communities. All citizens living in Bangladesh are equal, irrespective of their religion or region. He said this while addressing the Hindu devotees gathered on the occasion of the inauguration of the Janmashtami rally at Dhaka's Dhakeshwari temple. What did Waker-Uz-Zaman say? General Zaman's drawing attention towards the secular structure of the country from the Dhakeshwari temple is a veiled message for the Yunus government. After Yunus took over the command of the interim government in August last year, minority Hindus and temples have been targeted in Bangladesh. In such a situation, the Army Chief has given a strong message to the fundamentalists in his speech. People of all religions should live together General Zaman thanked the temple committee for inviting him to the Janmashtami celebrations and said, 'Bangladesh is a country of harmony, where Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, Paharis, and Bengalis have been living together peacefully for centuries. On this auspicious occasion of Janmashtami, our resolution should be to always maintain this brotherhood.' 'Bangladesh belongs to everyone; there will be no division here. There can be no discrimination based on religion, caste or sect. We are all citizens of this land, and we all have equal rights in it. We all wish for a golden future together,' said Zaman. Bangladesh army will maintain unity Waker-Uz-Zaman said that the army is committed to maintaining the spirit of unity. He told the Hindu devotees, 'Armed forces are deployed throughout Bangladesh for your security and order. You celebrate your religious festivals with joy, and we will also join you in this moment of joy.'
Economic Times
2 hours ago
- Economic Times
21 deported to Bangladesh, says Assam CM
Synopsis Assam has deported 21 individuals to Bangladesh for allegedly entering Sribhumi district illegally, according to Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. This action is part of ongoing efforts to identify and deport illegal migrants, with approximately 400 people having been pushed back recently. Guwahati: Security forces in Assam have deported 21 people to Bangladesh who allegedly illegally entered the state's Sribhumi district earlier in the week, chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said."Freedom at midnight? Quite literally!" Sarma posted on 'X' on Friday. He said the process of identification and pushback of illegal migrants would continue. Authorities have, of late, pushed back some 400 people who have tried to enter the state from neighbouring Bangladesh. Of these, around 58 were alone in Sribhumi senior Congress leader and Leader of the Opposition (LoP) in the state, Debabrata Saikia, has written to home minister Amit Shah, urging that security along the Assam-Bangladesh border should be strengthened."I am writing to bring to your kind attention the recurring "pushback" operations being undertaken by the Assam Police along the Assam-Bangladesh border since May 2025," he said in his letter, a copy of which ET has reviewed. "The state government has on multiple occasions, acknowledged such operations and deportations of undocumented Bangladeshi nationals, which raises critical questions about the efficacy of our border management framework and the current coordination mechanisms." He wrote that as per official statements, a new strategy of pushback was announced on May 10 this year. It was followed by operations starting on May 23, in which over 50 individuals were apprehended. The subsequent operations on May 31, June 8, June 27, July 6, and August 3 led to the repatriation of over 300 said these operations, despite the deployment of the Border Security Force across the 267.5-km stretch of the Assam-Bangladesh border, suggest that infiltration continues to be a serious challenge.
