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Hindustan Times
an hour ago
- Hindustan Times
Hillary Clinton says she'd nominate Trump for Nobel Peace Prize on one condition: ‘My goal here is…'
Hillary Clinton has admitted that she would 'honestly' nominate Donald Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize if he successfully puts an end to the Russia-Ukraine war. The former Secretary of State made the confession on Friday's episode of the Raging Moderates podcast. File photo of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump(AP) Hillary Clinton admits she'd nominate Donald Trump for Nobel Peace Prize The 77-year-old told host Jessica Tarlov that she would back the president for the illustrious honour if he ends the years-long war without allowing Vladimir Putin to confiscate Ukrainian territory. 'Honestly, if he could bring about the end to this terrible war, if he could end it without putting Ukraine in a position where it had to concede its territory to the aggressor, could really stand up to Putin — something we haven't seen, but maybe this is the opportunity — if President Trump were the architect of that, I'd nominate him for a Nobel Peace Prize,' Clinton said. The former first lady and Trump's failed Democratic opponent explained, 'Because my goal here is to not allow capitulation to Putin.' Her remarks came as the commander-in-chief was headed to Alaska for a meeting with the Russian president. The high-stakes meeting will take place at 11 am local time (1900 GMT) at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, a Cold War-era military base in Anchorage. Speaking to reporters on board Air Force One, Trump said that he would let Ukraine decide whether to make territorial swaps with Russia, per Al Jazeera. 'It actually hurts him, but in his (Putin's) mind that helps him make a better deal if they can continue the killing,' Trump said of his Russian counterpart. 'He's a smart guy, been doing it for a long time, but so have I … we get along, there's a good respect level on both sides, and I think, you know, something's going to come of it,'
Hindustan Times
2 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
How to win at foreign policy
WHEN DONALD TRUMP meets Vladimir Putin in Alaska it will be the seventh time the two have talked in person. This time is different, though. Since their last sit-down, Mr Putin has launched an unprovoked war, lost perhaps a million Russian soldiers (dead and wounded) and inflicted ceaseless misery on Ukrainians in pursuit of an imperial dream. Undaunted, Mr Trump hopes to get in a room with a wily dictator, feel him out and forge a deal. It is the biggest test yet of his uniquely personal style of diplomacy. It is also a reminder of how unpredictable American foreign policy has become. Will Mr Trump be firm, making clear that America and its allies will do what it takes to guarantee Ukraine's sovereignty? Or will he be in such a rush to reopen business with Russia that he rewards its aggression and leaves Ukraine vulnerable to future attacks? As everyone clamours for the president's ear, no one knows what he will do. At the beginning of Mr Trump's second term his supporters had a theory about how he would wield American power. Rather than relying on deep relationships and expertise, he would rely on his gut. As a master negotiator with a knack for sensing what others want and fear, he would cut through the waffle and apply pressure ruthlessly. Everyone wants access to American markets. By threatening to shut them out, he would force recalcitrant foreigners to end wars and reset the terms of trade to America's advantage. Career diplomats and experts would be replaced by rainmakers. Yes, his transactional approach might foster a bit of corruption. But if it brought peace in Ukraine or Gaza, who cared? Alas, there are drawbacks to this approach. Using tariffs as a weapon hurts America, too. More fundamentally, junking universal principles for might-makes-right repels friends without necessarily cowing foes. And the substitution of presidential whim for any coherent theory of international relations makes geopolitics less predictable and more dangerous. Mr Trump is not a globalist, obviously. Nor is he an isolationist, or a believer in regional spheres of influence. He simply does what he wants, which changes frequently. One way to make sense of Trumpism is that he divides his efforts at dealmaking into three categories: high, medium and low stakes. In the first category are America's relations with unfriendly great powers, principally China and Russia. Israel is here, too, because of its importance in American domestic politics. Iran makes an appearance, because of the way it threatens its neighbours. All these relationships are complex, difficult and matter a lot to Mr Trump. If he scores a win here—if he ends the war in Ukraine, or brings peace between Israel and the Palestinians, or finds a formula for co-operating with China without endangering national security—then the pay-off is potentially staggering. In the medium-stakes category Mr Trump puts Brazil, South Africa and, oddly, giant India. These are important countries that both America and China want in their camp. In most cases, their values are far closer to America's than to China's. Ties with them ought to be win-win. But they are unwilling to be bossed around, and take offence when Mr Trump insults or tries to bully them. The small stakes, for Mr Trump, are in small or poor countries. A superpower can wield great influence over such places, sometimes to good ends. Mr Trump helped cement a peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia, for example, and brokered a truce between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda. These are welcome achievements. Azerbaijan and Armenia had been fighting for 35 years. Mr Trump mediated a reopening of trade and transport links. The fruits may include a weakening of Russian influence in the area. The Congo-Rwanda deal is much shakier—Rwandan-backed rebels have violated it repeatedly—but not nothing. And there may be an upside for America, in the form of mineral deals. When it comes to medium-size stakes, Mr Trump's method works less well. He has started needless feuds with the leaders of Brazil (because it is prosecuting a Trumpy ex-president for allegedly attempting a coup), with South Africa (because he believes, wrongly, that it is persecuting whites) and with India (infuriating its prime minister with painful tariffs and undiplomatic boasting). The result? India will draw closer to Russia again, and be less inclined to act as a counterweight against China. Brazil and South Africa see China as a more reliable partner than America. Mr Trump has won headlines that play well with his most ardent supporters. But America has lost out. And when it comes to the highest stakes, the president is floundering. He has tried to coerce China with tariffs, but it is fighting back. This week Mr Trump blinked and extended another deadline. He also undermined his own national-security policy by lifting a ban on exports of Nvidia chips to China, while insisting that Uncle Sam gets a 15% cut. On Ukraine, he has been wildly inconsistent, one day blaming it for having been invaded and threatening to cut military aid, then accusing Mr Putin of bad faith and threatening stiffer sanctions on Russia. On Israel, he has consistently given Binyamin Netanyahu everything he wants and extracted nothing in return. If Mr Trump's bombing of Iran's nuclear sites made Israel safer, well and good. But he has failed to use his leverage to restrain Israel's unending war in Gaza. The world is flattery Other countries are learning how to play Mr Trump. A crypto deal and a nomination for a Nobel peace prize worked for Pakistan. A plane helped Qatar. The corruption is turning out to be as bad as almost anyone feared; the great deals have yet to materialise. Those who say Mr Trump is looking out for his own interests, not America's, have plenty of ammunition. All this is only a preliminary judgment. If Mr Trump stands up to Mr Putin this week, perhaps he can make his greatest-ever deal, ending Europe's worst war since 1945. Sadly, the odds are against it. For subscribers only: to see how we design each week's cover, sign up to our weekly Cover Story newsletter.
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Business Standard
2 hours ago
- Business Standard
Best chapters of India-Israel partnership still lie ahead, says Netanyahu
Israeli President Isaac Herzog and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Friday extended warm wishes on India's Independence Day calling for strengthening the flourishing ties and emphasising that the best chapters on bilateral ties still lie ahead. Sending his heartfelt greetings to President Droupadi Murmu and all the people of India, Herzog took to X to say: Your friendship with Israel in these difficult days strengthens us deeply. May the bond between our nations continue to flourish and may we soon see the safe return of all our hostages. Congratulating India and dear friend Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Independence Day, Netanyahu said Israel and India are two proud democracies, bound by history, innovation, and friendship. Our nations have achieved much together and the best chapters of our partnership still lie ahead, Netanyahu wrote in a message on X. Amir Ohana, who in 2023 became the first Speaker of the Israeli Knesset (Parliament) to visit India, also took to X posting a message in Hindi congratulating his counterpart, Om Birla, and Indians on the occasion. Earlier on Friday, India's Ambassador to Israel, JP Singh, hoisted the tricolor to celebrate India's 79th Independence Day in the presence of about 350 people from the Indian community. In his address, Singh emphasised on efforts to deepen our strategic relationship as one team India. Israel is home to about 40,000 Indians. I can see the warmth Israelis have for Indians. In particular, they are very appreciative of our workforce and our caregivers, Singh pointed out, in an apparent reference to the massive Indian workforce employed by Israel to deal with an acute shortage of workers in various sectors. He also thanked the Indian Jewish community for being a powerful bridge between the two nations. People from the Indian community and Jews of Indian origin turned up from all over Israel to celebrate Independence Day. Several people turned up at the Cricket club in the southern city of Beersheba, braving a heat wave, to celebrate India's Independence Day. We have lived in Israel since our childhood but have not forgotten our Indian roots. We still hold the cultural values alive and never forget that it was the only country where Jews never faced anti-semitism. We are proud of our Indian origin, chairman of Beersheba Cricket Club Naor Gudker told PTI.
