
SA's electricity price is soaring: Why protests are often the only way for people to be heard
Millions of unemployed South Africans, many of whom survive on a Social Relief of Distress Grant government grant of R370 (about US$21) per month, are not able to pay for electricity and still afford food and shelter.
In the working class community of Thembisa in South Africa's industrial heartland of Gauteng, the local government recently tried to make all families pay a fixed monthly fee of R126 (US$7) for electricity.
But the residents could not afford this and in late July, occupied roads and shut down the area.
Within a day, the mayor scrapped the electricity fee.
Luke Sinwell, a scholar of popular history and grassroots mobilisation in South Africa, explains how protests might just be the only way for working class South Africans to make their voices heard.
Is electricity affordable in South Africa?
No. Electricity prices have skyrocketed over the last twenty-five years at approximately four times the rate of inflation.
It is also crucial to view electricity prices in a socio-economic context.
For example, the cost of electricity needs to be assessed relative to the disposable income of the household buying it.
Low-income families spend up to twenty percent of their household income on energy, making electricity very unaffordable.
ALSO READ: Thembisa protest raises risk of national unrest
About half of all South African households (approximately 15 million people) don't have nearly enough food to eat.
This means that the heads of impoverished or working class households (mostly women of Colour) are forced to decide between putting ideally nutritious food on the table and lighting their houses at night.
They're forced to choose between using energy for heating to keep warm during winter or ensuring that their limited fresh food supplies stay cold so that they do not spoil.
I'm part of a group of researchers who use the term energy racism to describe the systemic oppression that prevents Black working class people from accessing the electricity they need to survive and prosper.
South Africans have been protesting for decades about high electricity prices. Why hasn't the problem been solved?
There are weaknesses in South Africa's democratic process.
Municipalities (local government) responses to the concerns and demands of communities tend to be shortsighted and inadequate.
Currently, the major political parties in South Africa focus mainly on obtaining consensus at the polls through elections every five years.
The South African president, Cyril Ramaphosa, is overseeing a 'National Dialogue' which he claims will allow the voices of ordinary people to be heard in the corridors of power.
It's been designed to appear as an inclusive and democratic process.
However, based on my previous research, I believe that hidden beneath the surface, government has largely already decided the agenda and a set of policies that the dialogue will recommend.
The South African government is continuing to rely on market-oriented, neoliberal policies which serve profit at the expense of the working class.
READ MORE: Experts warn of unintended consequences of giving in to Thembisa demands
This guarantees that electricity prices will remain extremely high. It also means that the government will continue to lack interest in proactively engaging those very communities about the cost of electricity.
It is useful to remember what happened in September 2011 in Thembisa.
About 2 000 residents went to the streets to protest against electricity cuts.
Schools were closed, at least 100 residents arrested for public violence, and rubber bullets fired at protestors by police.
When the residents of Thembisa shut down their area again recently, the mayor, undoubtedly aware of this history, wanted to avoid a similar situation.
This gave residents an advantage – they were aware that protests would jolt the authorities into a favourable response.
This means that when local government does not take the initiative to discuss important matters like the price of electricity with residents, communities will inevitably create their own formations through which to mobilise and influence local politics and beyond.
How effective are protests against high prices of basic services?
Protests are often an immediate response to desperate communities faced with an acute economic crisis.
The recent protest in Thembisa is also part of a broader trend of protests and collective action around the lack of electricity in townships and informal settlements in other parts of Gauteng.
For example, my research over six years in the informal settlement of Thembelihle in the south west of Johannesburg, found that people burned to death in their shacks because local government had failed to provide electricity.
Residents had no alternative but to rely on imbawula (a homemade brazier).
This was coal and wood in an oven or tin connected to a makeshift pipe to let smoke out. Many shacks caught fire as a result.
They negotiated with authorities for more than 10 years.
READ MORE: Traffic delays after residents shut down Thembisa over electricity tariff hike [VIDEO]
Still, Thembelihle residents had no effective way to access the levers of decision-making authority which could electrify their homes.
So they accessed power on their own terms, forcing authorities to the negotiating table using protest.
Following a three-week occupation in 2015, the government conceded to the basic demands to formally electrify a relatively small piece of land where they lived.
A sizeable amount of R323 million would electrify 7000 homes.
The politics of a community struggle which had once been criminalised and excluded from the halls of power was now enshrined in policy.
What does the recent Thembisa electricity price protest tell us?
It demonstrates that the most effective way for people to get the government to implement pro-poor decisions is not by voting or attending national dialogues hosted by presidents and parliamentarians.
It is by organising in communities and engaging in mass actions which force those in power to concede to the people's demands.
The recent protest also tells us that impoverished and working class residents cannot and should not be forced to pay more than they can afford for basic services.
READ MORE: Land invaders erecting shacks dispersed with rubber bullets and stun grenades near Makhanda
The municipality held Integrated Development Plan and budget meetings with residents a few months before the protests where they revealed the new electricity prices.
But these meetings did not seem to acknowledge that the people of Thembisa could not afford to pay.
The mayoral decision to suspend the new electricity charges in Thembisa demonstrates that when basic services fail communities, protests work.
They also just might be the only reliable means by which ordinary people can access the levers of government policy.
This article was republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article here.
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The South African
2 hours ago
- The South African
Why do the West want Burkina Faso's Ibrahim Traoré deposed - or dead?
Burkina Faso's young revolutionary leader, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, has suddenly become one of the biggest political issues in the world, especially in Africa, trending regularly on social media and increasingly becoming a symbol of resistance on the continent. If the Western political establishment and their sockpuppet, echo-chamber media is to be believed, Traoré is a tyrannical, gold-thieving warlord clinging to power in Burkina Faso, and running that Western African country into the ground. Most Africans, however, particularly the youth on the continent, see the charismatic, intelligent, articulate and unapologetically African nationalist 37-year-old leader quite differently – more like an African David standing up to the old colonial Goliath. In 2022, Burkina Faso (formerly known as Upper Volta) underwent two military coups. Both were primarily driven by the country's deteriorating security situation and widespread dissatisfaction with the government's inability to address the jihadist insurgency. For years prior to the 2022 coups, Burkina Faso was plagued by jihadist terror groups (that largely formed after the US-backed overthrow of Libya's Gaddafi), with violent attacks on military personnel and civilians becoming increasingly frequent. The security crisis worsened significantly in the country, with over 1 500 violent events and 3 800 fatalities projected in 2022, forcing roughly 2 million people to flee their homes. In January 2022, Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba led a coup partly fueled by the government's inability to contain the growing jihadist threat. However, Damiba's rule was also marked by ineffectiveness in addressing the security crisis, leading to further instability and frustration among the military and population. Meanwhile, the people of Burkina Faso had grown tired of being poor in one of the most resource-rich regions on earth, tired of French and American influence, and tired of their corrupt leaders who dutifully took orders from Paris and Washington. The nationwide discontent led to a second coup in September that same year, this one led by Captain Ibrahim Traoré. Born in Bondokuy, western Burkina Faso, Ibrahim Traoré studied geology at the University of Ouagadougou before joining the army in 2010. He gained frontline experience fighting jihadist groups in the country's north and later served in the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Mali. By 2020, he had risen to Captain and led an artillery unit stationed in Kaya. His growing frustration with the ruling junta's inability to stem insurgent violence led to Traoré spearheading the coup against interim president Damiba. In October 2022, Traoré was sworn in as interim president, pledging to restore security and national sovereignty. 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Captain Traoré's anti-colonial sentiments, his commitment to social welfare and his overall defiant and refreshingly unorthodox leadership style – which emphasizes self-reliance and determination – has seen his popularity soar on the African continent, particularly the Sahel region. His government's decision to expel French troops and seek alternative security partnerships has been seen as a bold move towards asserting Burkina Faso's sovereignty. His introduction of free education and healthcare initiatives has resonated with many Africans. In an interview with analyst and commentator Kim Iversen in May, journalist-filmmaker-activist (and former campaign advisor to RFK Jr), Theo Wilson, discussed his recent trip to the Sahel where he saw, firsthand, the influence Traoré casts over the region. Wilson described how he met with locals and recorded testimonies directly from the people living under Traoré's leadership. Almost all of them appeared to adore the young Captain. 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Always the same images: children with flies, dry lands, weapons…death. This is Africa, they told us. And we believed it. We were ashamed of ourselves, of our own people. But then, I grew up. I read, I researched, I questioned. And I understood that the Africa you showed us wasn't real, it was a lie. A script you had written for years. And you still ask…why is Africa poor? No. The right question is how was Africa kept poor while being so rich? Here's your answer: Colonialism. It didn't end, it changed shape. You used to rule with the whip, now you rule with credit.' In June 2025, at the Koulouba Palace in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, Traoré addressed citizens and leaders of the AES (Alliance des États du Sahel), a Confederation formed between Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso. In his speech, Traoré emphasised the seriousness of the threat posed by imperial powers to the unity of the AES. 'Unity is hard, especially in Africa', he said. 'It is difficult to unite, but it is the solution. We must unite. If I were naive I would ask myself, 'Why do the imperialists not want this union?' But I am not naive. I know why. Because our country is rich – rich in its people, rich in moral values, but above all, rich in its land. And it is these riches that others desire. Addressing the UN General Assembly in May this year, Traoré said; 'Africa is not a beggar, not a battlefield, not your experiment, your puppet, your warehouse of raw materials. Africa is rising – not to kneel, but to stand. For decades, you sent us aid with one hand while extracting our lifeblood with the other. You build wells in our villages while your corporations drain our rivers. From now on, we will define development on our own terms. Development that puts children in classrooms, not minerals on cargo ships. Development that respects the land, the people and the soul of a nation. We are a spiritual people. Before your cathedrals, our ancestors sang to the sky. 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The South African
3 hours ago
- The South African
Warning: SA 'refugees' will be DEPORTED over lies, ommissions
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IOL News
5 hours ago
- IOL News
March on March Movement to Take Legal Action Against Illegal Occupants of RDP Houses
KwaZulu-Natal Human Settlements MEC Siboniso Duma addresses rising concerns over the illegal sale of RDP houses in KwaZulu-Natal, urging community cooperation to combat criminal activities and protect vulnerable families. Image: File The March on March movement is preparing to launch legal proceedings against illegal occupants of RDP houses in Inqutu, northern KwaZulu-Natal, following reports of hijackings affecting the properties of two elderly women. The organisation's spokesperson, Xolani Zuma, emphasised that this intervention was crucial in protecting the housing rights of South African citizens. "These homes, part of the government's Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), were created to assist individuals in need." Zuma stressed the importance of ensuring that these provisions were not exploited. 'The movement will be writing to the MEC on Monday to escalate the matter, which was first reported to the police on Friday during our march,' he explained. In conversations with the affected women, the movement learned how their homes were overtaken, a situation amplified by the involvement of illegal immigrants allegedly collaborating with some South African citizens. 'We are alarmed by this blatant disregard for our elderly citizens,' said Zuma. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. 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Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Ndabezinhle Sibiya, spokesperson for KZN's Department of Human Settlements, confirmed the troublesome criminal conduct in the community. 'We have received a complaint from March on March, and we are fully committed to working alongside them and various communities to root out such criminals. It is illegal to sell RDP houses, and we are taking strong action,' Sibiya affirmed. The MEC for Transport and Human Settlements, Siboniso Duma, said in a recent statement, that his department was committed to decisive action against any form of criminality that disrupted the lives of innocent community members. 'We are building houses for South Africans who are in need of shelter, not for the generation of profit by greedy and irresponsible individuals,' Duma said. Encouraging public support, he called on the people of KZN to unite in a visible display of disapproval against the misuse of RDP houses and warned off repercussions for the perpetrators. 'It is a criminal offence to sell an RDP house within the first eight years of ownership without proper permission from the Department of Human Settlements. Those who violate these rules will forfeit their houses.' Duma reassured the community that his department will rigorously collaborate with law enforcement to ensure stability within human settlements. He reiterated the procedure for beneficiaries looking to sell their properties after the eight-year threshold, emphasising the department's responsibility to manage these units effectively for the benefit of those in need. Duma affirmed the department's commitment to work alongside prominent bodies, including the South African Human Rights Commission and the Public Protector, in ensuring every complaint regarding the illicit use of RDP houses was thoroughly investigated and actioned. The influx of illegal and undocumented immigrants into the country has been rife and a cause for concern for authorities. During a media briefing yesterday, the Border Management Authority's (BMA) commissioner, Doctor Michael Masiapato, revealed that approximately 10,000 illegal immigrants were intercepted by border guards in the first quarter of 2025/26. Masiapato stated that out of the 10,000 illegal immigrants arrested, 5,826 were undocumented, 2,127 were inadmissible, and 2,001 were deemed undesirable.