The importance of the mayoral race as Detroiters choose final two
Why it matters: Nine certified candidates want to succeed Mayor Mike Duggan, who is running for governor.
Whoever wins will steer the city's trajectory on key areas including recovering finances, building an equitable city and growing the population.
On the ballot: Businessperson Jonathan Barlow, former police chief James Craig, City Council member Fred Durhal III, businessperson Joel Haashiim, former nonprofit CEO and ex-City Council President Saunteel Jenkins, the Rev. Solomon Kinloch Jr., attorney Todd Perkins, City Council President Mary Sheffield and DaNetta Simpson.
State of play: Sheffield has maintained a commanding lead on fundraising this year.
Plus, candidates have debated issues like business and housing.
What we're hearing: Three local leaders gave Axios thoughts on what's important about this mayor's race on the eve of Election Day:
Anika Goss, CEO of influential think-tank Detroit Future City:
Thinking about the dozens of mayoral forums on different topics, Goss says Detroiters from all walks of life are being extremely thoughtful about what they want in leadership.
"I think they are clear that they want a middle-class city that is inclusive for everyone, and there are really specific issues they want to make sure are addressed by their next leader."
Old tropes of focusing on name recognition over substance no longer apply — safety, job availability and creating post-high-school pathways do.
Sheila Cockrel, founder of civic engagement organization Citizen Detroit and a former City Council member:
This election is critical because of how federal policies impact the lives of low-income people and "anybody who's not in the 1%," Cockrel says.
The way Detroit's next mayor — and City Council — navigates that context will be hugely consequential, she adds.
Vincent Tilford, CEO of the Detroit-based Hannan Center for older adults:
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2 Detroit mayor candidates advance Tuesday. Here are my predictions for their future.
By this time next week, anyone placing a bet on who will be Detroit's next mayor will have a 50-50 chance of winning that wager — unless Jonathan Barlow stops yelling at random women in the street long enough to mount a successful write-in campaign. Barlow is one of the nine candidates whose names are on the ballot, though there are arguably only a handful of hopefuls with a real chance to advance after the nonpartisan primary held Tuesday, Aug. 5, narrows the field to the top two. The winner will succeed Mike Duggan on Jan. 1, when the three-term incumbent can finally spend 100% of his time running for governor. Over the past eight months or so, six of the nine candidates have shown us enough for me to feel comfortable opining on the strengths and weaknesses they will carry into the Nov. 4 general election. Before we get to them, I feel obligated to mention some candidates I've largely ignored, as well as explain why I've ignored them. Let's start with Barlow, who I saw brag earlier this summer that he first ran for mayor 20 years ago, thereby establishing that he has been losing mayoral campaigns longer than anyone on the ballot. Then there's Joel Haashiim, who may end up with more lawns signs than votes. And who can remember, er, forget DaNetta Simpson, another perennial candidate who will do little more than play spoiler if the top two candidates are separated by a couple hundred votes. Whew! Like a cat clearing a hairball, it feels good to get that out! Next, I'll delve into each of the six candidates considered contenders when the race was young, even though after months of campaigning that number is probably only four and, arguably, could be just three. This analysis is for your entertainment and edification and should in no way be considered an endorsement. Everyone should vote for the candidate they like best — or at least the candidate they think will do the best job leading Our Fair City. I could, of course, be wrong ... like when I thought I could get elected to Detroit City Council four years ago. On the other hand, my predictions for what the latest round of campaign finance reports would show turned out to be pretty right-on, so maybe like the proverbial broken watch, I'm about to be right a second time. Mary Sheffield I debated which candidate to start with, but decided to begin with Detroit City Council President Mary Sheffield because she was the first in the race, has raised the most money, and is considered the front-runner not just by pollsters, but by the rest of the pack, who frequently gang up on her at debates and forums. The odd thing is, Sheffield's strengths and weaknesses are almost identical. She is experienced, energetic, connected, well-financed, active on social media, and has influential friends and family. Yet, despite her 12 years on City Council, it is hard to point to many signature achievements that can't also be credited to Duggan, the council, a developer, or a committee or commission. Opponents have already charged that if Sheffield were capable of delivering on her campaign promises, she would have done so while serving on City Council. And I uncovered evidence that she used city resources to support her mayoral ambitions — including sending a birthday card to a woman who had been dead for years. And then there's the Detroit Riverfront Conservancy scandal. Sheffield, who has served on the nonprofit's board for several years, has been criticized for missing meetings and failing to catch the CFO before he embezzled more than $40 million. Sheffield has said she was one of dozens of board members who also did not detect the dirty deed. If elected, Sheffield, 36, would be the youngest mayor since ... Kwame Kilpatrick. You may remember Kilpatrick as the fun-loving and felonious mayor who resigned in disgrace in 2008, after setting the city on course to file the largest municipal bankruptcy in United States history. Yikes! John Gleeson, attorney and resilient polio survivor, dies at 86 Detroit mayoral race campaign finances shape up ahead of August primary Sheffield — thankfully — doesn't have any of Kilpatrick's legal problems. Detroit is also in better financial shape than at any time since Dennis Archer left office in 2002. But Sheffield, like Kilpatrick, likes to have fun. Unlike Kilpatrick, who documented a lot of those good times in text messages, Sheffield has documented a lot of those good times on social media. An opponent even ended a televised debate with this zinger: "If you want a mayor who shows up on Instagram, but doesn't show up for meetings, then follow Mary." Like Kilpatrick, Sheffield also enjoys the financial support of some of Detroit's most rich and powerful, including Dan Gilbert and the Moroun family. These connections bring in lots of dough, but could be used to drive a wedge between Sheffield and her progressive supporters, as well as Detroiters who feel Duggan and City Council have catered to fat cats at the expense of the neighborhoods. Sheffield all but acknowledged this was a potential vulnerability when she sent supporters an email claiming she was not supported by billionaires and corporate political action committees, but I proved otherwise, forcing her campaign to admit the claim was untrue. Sheffield's efforts to reassure the business community — and big donors — that she is "business-friendly" and will continue Duggan's work could also alienate Detroiters who feel left behind and who are sick of developers like the Ilitch family's Olympia Development company that receive major tax breaks without completing their projects. Sheffield, also like Kilpatrick, has a politically savvy, connected and controversial father. Bernard Kilpatrick started a consulting business he named "Maestro," and orchestrated a series of city deals that federal prosecutors said amounted to racketeering, even though they only convinced a jury to convict him of tax fraud. Horace Sheffield III doesn't have any of Bernard Kilpatrick's legal problems, but he is a polarizing figure in Detroit politics with arguably as many enemies as friends. Mary Sheffield has spent the last dozen years emphasizing that she makes her own decisions and keeps her own counsel, but her father is playing a major role in her campaign and causing his critics to worry whether he will roam as freely in city hall as Bernard Kilpatrick once did. Sheffield's position as the perceived front-runner also comes with a potential pitfall. It helps raise money, but if she doesn't perform as well as expected in primary, supporters and contributors may reassess their position. Donors who once thought she was a shoo-in will likely write checks to the other finalist — if only to hedge their bets. My bet is if Sheffield gets less than 35% of the vote, she will have to reassure supporters she can still win — and that the other 65% of the vote isn't an "Anybody But Sheffield" bloc. She has also spent so much money that if her fundraising slows down, it may be much harder for her to pile up campaign cash because so many people have already donated the maximum amount allowed by law. Meanwhile, opponents who have raised less than half of her haul can appeal to supporters who haven't yet ponied up. Donors who sat on the sideline because they didn't want to risk offending the city council president — perhaps because they have business with the city, need council approval for a project, need someone to return their calls or to help them navigate the city's bureaucracy — may decide they have to write her opponent a check to avoid offending the other person who could be Detroit's next mayor. Saunteel Jenkins If this were a ranking of candidates, you could argue I should discuss the Rev. Solomon Kinloch Jr. next, because he and Jenkins, a former City Council president and CEO of a nonprofit, have raised similar amounts and poll better than the rest of the pack. And Kinloch, unlike Jenkins, can rely on a dark money nonprofit that is spending hundreds of thousands on television ads, social media, direct mail and other political mechanisms to support his candidacy. But Jenkins got in the race before Kinloch, and has done a better job promoting her compelling life story. Jenkins grew up in a blue-collar family. Lost a brother to gun violence. Became a social worker. Worked with legendary City Council President Maryann Mahaffey. Started a small business. Worked with addicts and homeless men at Mariners Inn. Won a council seat when every candidate had to run citywide. Was elected City Council president. Cast the decisive vote that cleared the way for the city to enter into the bankruptcy process that shed hundreds of millions in debt and laid the groundwork for Detroit's resurgence. Became CEO of The Heat and Warmth Fund (THAW), which helps keep the heat and lights for folks who have trouble paying their utility bills. Survived cancer. Like Sheffield, some of her assets could be liabilities. Jenkins was not very successful in business. She was a top city official who was not able to stop the city from heading into bankruptcy. She didn't demonstrably fight the state takeover of the city that stripped elected officials from much of their power during bankruptcy. She quit City Council for a job that nearly doubled her salary at a time an emergency manager was making drastic cuts and changes to city government. The Detroit Ethics Board admonished her for violating city policy by taking a job with THAW after voting to send them city money. And, while serving as head of THAW, she hired friends, including Christine Beatty, Kilpatrick's chief of staff who went to jail for perjury and obstructing justice to cover up her affair with Hizzoner and their efforts to destroy the careers of whistle-blowing police officers. Beatty, who makes about $100,000 at THAW, has been a polarizing figure, most recently because she has not paid restitution to the city since taking her job — despite public declarations she would make restitution payments once she got a good job. Beatty was at Jenkins' campaign kickoff and several would-be Jenkins supporters have called me since then after spotting Beatty at Jenkins events to express their concern about the relationship. Beatty isn't Jenkins' only potentially problematic tie to Kilpatrick's Reign of Error. William Phillips, who, like Beatty and Kilpatrick, went to Cass Tech High School with Jenkins, is a top contributor to Jenkins' campaign and on Monday, July 28, was co-host of a Jenkins campaign fundraiser. Phillips is not just one of Hizzoner's former high school teammates and cronies, he was an officer of the corrupt Kilpatrick Civic Fund. What some may see as admirable loyalty to longtime friends, others may see as a sign that Jenkins could be vulnerable to putting back together the band that nearly composed a funeral dirge for Detroit. Solomon Kinloch Jr. If you're sensing a theme taking shape here, may I suggest that it is the recurrence of the double-edged sword? Kinloch is a political newcomer with a compelling life story. Raised poor in Detroit and working blue-collar jobs he started his ministry in a secondhand church with about 50 parishioners, Kinloch built Triumph Church into a multicampus faith community, stretching from Wayne to Genesee County, with an estimated 40,000 congregants. While many of his rivals tout their government experience and vow to build upon Duggan's pro-business, pro-growth agenda, Kinloch portrays himself as an outsider and highlights housing shortages, income disparities and a need for more grocery stores in neighborhoods. I estimated it will take about 33,000 votes to finish in the top two in the Tuesday, Aug. 5, primary. If every one of Kinloch's flock voted in Detroit, he'd be a lock for the runoff. But as any politician who attends services in Detroit can tell you, a surprising number of churchgoers don't live in the city. Kinloch himself didn't live in the city until returning about a year ago, which could expose him to charges that he only moved to Detroit to run for mayor. (Of course, that didn't stop Duggan, a longtime Livonia resident, from being elected mayor. Three times.) Kinloch's large congregation also provides a potential fundraising base that would be the envy of any candidate. But Kinloch raised less than a half-million dollars after entering the race — roughly as much as Jenkins did during the same fundraising period. And her natural constituency is people who can't even pay their utility bills. Is it possible parishioners pay so much in tithes to the church that there isn't much left over for campaign contributions? Is there donor fatigue? Or would the faithful prefer to keep Kinloch behind the pulpit and out of the mayoral Manoogian Mansion? Kinloch's profession could also be a hindrance. While preachers can be dynamic and eloquent candidates capable of painting a compelling picture and persuading people they know the way, some voters — and even rival pastors — prefer to keep church and state separate. The concern I hear most often about Kinloch is his insistence that, if elected, he will continue to preach when he goes to church on Sunday. Jenkins called him out during a mayoral debate in her closing statement, saying Detroit needs more than a "part-time mayor." Kinloch is stubbornly sticking to his position, but seemingly acknowledged he has a problem in a billboard message I recently saw while driving north from downtown along Interstate 75. It said Kinloch will be a full-time mayor. Fundraising also cuts multiple ways for Kinloch. Does his underwhelming haul mean there are a lot of contributors he hasn't contacted? Or have they declined to donate? Or is he a poor fundraiser? The latter, given the expansive growth of his ministry, seems unlikely. Then again, potential supporters may feel more comfortable making a donation to help them get to Heaven than writing a check to help their pastor get to city hall. Kinloch, fortunately, can rely on the hundreds of thousands of dollars the 13th Congressional District Democratic Party organization is spending to promote him. The nonprofit, which his brother Jonathan runs, is a so-called dark money fund. These entities have proliferated ever since the 2010 U.S. Supreme Court decision in the Citizens United case, which effectively struck down longtime campaign finance regulations that sought to limit and regulate spending on political campaigns. While the law still puts limits on how much individuals and others can contribute to candidates — and requires candidates to list those donations, as well as detail how they spent the loot — the dark money committees can raise loads of dough without putting us in the know because they are not required to disclose to the public where they got their money or how they're spending it. Here's the hitch: Solomon Kinloch has made transparency a cornerstone of his campaign. How can you preach openness, yet rely on one of the most opaque entities imaginable to help you get elected? Another potentially crucial question is how female voters feel about the revelation in late July — with less than two weeks left before Election Day — that Kinloch pleaded guilty to hitting his first wife in 1993. Kinloch, who was 19 at the time, told me he was young and stupid and learned from his mistake. He remarried and his wife and son helped launch his campaign at the Fox Theatre. Women on the ballot in Detroit in 2021 won most of their races. I wasn't the only City Council candidate who got smooshed by a female opponent. Incumbent City Councilman Roy McCalister Jr. was defeated in the 2nd District by political newcomer Angela Whitfield Calloway. Women looking for an alternative to Kinloch can choose between Sheffield, Jenkins and, yes, Simpson. They also have five other men who could win their vote. Fred Durhal III This is a good time to reflect on how much can change over the course of a campaign. If you asked eight months ago, I would have said former Detroit Police Chief James Craig would have been among the top four candidates for mayor. In a few minutes, I'll tell you why I changed my mind when I end this column with a look at a onetime favorite whose campaign was over almost as soon as it began. First, let's handicap the candidate I consider to be the race's dark horse. Durhal, a former state lawmaker, failed state Senate candidate, and first-term city councilman from Detroit's 7th District seemed like a long shot when he entered the race in January. With a three-term City Council president, nonprofit CEO, prominent pastor and former police chief expected to run, Durhal's candidacy seemed more like career suicide than a viable campaign. Instead, Durhal has consistently impressed observers, raised a quarter million dollars and, perhaps most importantly, become the beneficiary of a nonprofit that will spend more than $300,000 in dark money to promote him with television ads and mailings. Most of that money went to work after early voting started, so there are tens of thousands of voters who may have made up their mind before it could influence them. With a large number of undecided voters, there may still be time to create a surge for Durhal. Then again, I'm expecting turnout to hover around 14%. If those undecided registered voters ultimately decide not to vote, that's a lot of loot wasted. Todd Perkins Perkins is also spending a chunk of change promoting his populist campaign. A prominent defense attorney, Perkins' connection to politics before he got in the race seemed limited to defending elected and public officials who were in trouble with the law. It has been more than a little strange for me that when I call Perkins these days, it's to ask about his campaign to get into city hall instead of one of his campaigns to keep a client out of jail. Perkins has an inspiring story about growing up poor, attending prestigious U-D Jesuit Catholic High School and building a successful law practice. He is a dynamic presence, but barring an unforseen tsunami of support, the net benefit of his campaign will be to raise the profile of his law practice and lay the groundwork for a potential future run for office rather than a four-year sentence at the Coleman A. Young Municipal Center. James Craig Which brings us to Craig, who is about to get called out after taking his third strike at elective office. After a disastrous gubernatorial campaign in 2022, when fraudulent petition signatures kept him off the ballot, and an aborted U.S. Senate campaign in 2024, Craig swore he would run a better and more energetic campaign for mayor. At least he made it on the ballot this time. While many thought Craig's status as the only Republican in the nonpartisan race would be his greatest challenge, it turned out to be building an effective campaign organization and raising money. An engaging, good-natured, and adept debater, Craig could discuss policy as well as any candidate. But other than attending forums and posting signs outside businesses that supported the Green Light anti-crime initiative he enacted while chief from 2013 to 2021, there was not much evidence Craig was running hard. An energetic leader who once danced in a video posted on social media to promote Detroit police, and who credited a vigorous workout routine for helping him beat COVID-19, Craig has moved haltingly on the campaign trail. After reaping a small fortune three years ago for his ill-fated gubernatorial campaign, Craig's mayoral campaign reported a pathetic haul of $23,000 as of July 20. The deep-pocketed CEOs and business leaders looking for someone with leadership experience who I thought might bankroll Craig's campaign never materialized. With about a half-dozen exceptions, the chief's campaign finance report is full of small donations. I bet someone who can work an abacus better than me will find the average contribution was around a hundred bucks. I can't say what will happen on Tuesday, but this much I'm sure of: The closest the chief will get to the Manoogian Mansion will be his perch at nearby Sindbad's restaurant. M.L. Elrick is a Pulitzer Prize- and Emmy Award-winning investigative reporter, director of student investigative reporting program Eye On Michigan, and host of the ML's Soul of Detroit podcast. Contact him at mlelrick@ or follow him on X at @elrick, Facebook at ML Elrick and Instagram at ml_elrick. This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Who's who in the Detroit mayoral primary race Solve the daily Crossword
Business of Fashion
2 hours ago
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Swiss Luxury Watchmakers' Shares Drop After Trump Tariff Shock
Swiss luxury watchmakers' shares, including Richemont, and Swatch, were volatile in early trade on Monday, reflecting the challenge for the industry after US President Donald Trump set a 39 percent tariff on Swiss imports. The sector, which exported watches worth 26 billion Swiss francs ($33 billion) in 2024, is already under pressure from a stronger franc and falling global demand. Watch exports are on track to hit their lowest levels since the pandemic in 2020. 'The impact of the US tariffs, if they stay at 39 percent, could be devastating for numerous brands in Switzerland,' said Jean-Philippe Bertschy, an analyst at Vontobel. Shares in Richemont and Swatch were both down around 1 percent at 9:06 GMT, paring back losses after earlier falling as much as 3.4 percent, and 5 percent, respectively. Bertschy linked the move to hopes of Switzerland still getting a better deal - the tariffs are effective as of August 7. Swatch Group chief executive Nick Hayek called on Swiss president Karin Keller-Sutter to meet Trump. 'Tariffs can change at any moment due to the unpredictability of the Trump administration,' said Georges Mari, co-owner of Zurich-based investment firm Rossier, Mari & Associates, which holds shares in Swatch, adding that it is 'impossible to make a serious forecast'. Monday was the first day of trading following the US tariff announcement, as markets were closed on Friday for the Swiss National Day holiday. The US is Switzerland's leading foreign market for watches, accounting for 16.8 percent of exports worth about 4.4 billion francs, according to the Federation of the Swiss Watch Industry. While Richemont generated 32 percent of its full-year 2025 sales in the watches category, its exposure to the United States market should be just below 10 percent of overall sales, analysts at Jefferies said. Swatch, meanwhile, generated 18 percent of its 2024 sales in the United States, with its CEO saying the company had raised prices by 5 percent following the first tariffs announcement in April. By Isabel Demetz, Helen Reid; Editor: Adam Jourdan, Joe Bavier, Toby Chopra Learn more: Swiss Watchmakers Battle for Their Future The sector is facing double-digit sales declines and a crisis of relevance. 'A watch has become a cultural object of sophistication… but culture has to constantly reinvent, otherwise it can disappear,' said former Cartier boss Cyrille Vigneron.
Yahoo
4 hours ago
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Here's who is running so far for Fort Collins mayor, City Council
There's a Fort Collins City Council election this Nov. 4, and it will be the first time voters will use ranked voting to select the next mayor and at least one council seat. More on ranked voting later. So who's running? The list might not be complete yet. The deadline for candidates to submit their nominiation petitions, with the signatures of at least 25 registered voters in Fort Collins, is Aug. 26. The list below, which is organized by candidates in alphabetical order by race, will be updated if new candidates enter the races. The Coloradoan will publish more information about each candidate and where they stand on key issues as part of election coverage leading up to the mailing of ballots in mid-October. For now, here's a small bit of context about each candidate and where to find more information about their campaigns: Fort Collins mayor Tricia Canonico is a current City Council member, representing southeast Fort Collins' District 3 since 2021. Her efforts are focused on livability, affordability and sustainability, so everyone has access to opportunity, stability and community life, according to Adam Eggleston is a victim advocate with experience as a Realtor and on civic boards and commissions. On his website, he says he will advocate for small businesses, expanding housing options through gentle density and improving mobility in the city. Emily Francis is a current City Council member, representing northwest Fort Collins' District 6 since 2019. She is also mayor pro tem. Focus areas for Francis are affordability, housing, climate change, transportation and community health, according to Adam Hirshhorn is a community member who has advocated before City Council on social, environmental and cultural issues. He has opted not to answer Coloradoan questions about his campaign. His candidate filing says he can be found at Shirley Peel is a former City Council member who represented southwest Fort Collins District 4 from 2021 to 2024. She is retired with a background in education. At Peel says she wants Fort Collins to be a place where "families can succeed, workers can thrive, small businesses can grow, and no one is left behind." Scott VanTatenhove, "ScottyV," is a Poudre School District employee who has served on the city's transportation board and helped create the Fort Collins Music Association, or FoCoMA, and its flagship event, FoCoMX. VanTatenhove has not responded to Coloradoan requests for information about his campaign. Find Scott VanTatenhove on Facebook and Instagram ( Austin White is a community member whose top issues are affordable housing and helping the homeless. He said he is formerly homeless and wants to help make it easier for people to get into housing, including turning unused commercial spaces into housing and building connections with those who are homeless to help find solutions. No website has been identified. District 1 Chris Conway is a high school teacher and founding member of Fort Collins YIMBY, which advocates for policies that promote housing. His priorities are affordable, abundant housing; protecting the environment; and making recreation and youth sports more accessible, according to Susan Gutowsky is a current City Council member, representing northeast Fort Collins' District 1 since 2019. On her website, she says she wants to bring harmony back to the community, and she believes council should collaborate better with the community. (Gutowsky previously told the Coloradoan she believed she was not eligible for another term after serving a partial term and a full term. Since then, Gutowsky said she received information from the city attorney's office advising that she is eligible. City Clerk Delynn Coldiron confirmed her eligibility, saying the current city charter doesn't address how partial terms apply to term limits.) Daisy Montgomery is a small business owner and disability advocate who serves on the city's Disability Advisory Board and the Board of Directors for the Autism Society of Colorado. On her website, she says she would focus on addressing the needs of people who are struggling to make ends meet and who are being pushed out of the community. District 3 Josh Fudge is a volunteer, board member for the Poudre River Public Library District and budget director for the Larimer County government. He says he's focused on striving for better affordability, more efficient government and balanced economic growth, along with climate resilience. Steve Yurash is the founder of the Colorado Center Party and has served on the Fort Collins Electric Board and Larimer County Board of Health. City Council should be responsive to citizen concerns about housing developments changing neighborhood character, he states on his website, District 5 Amy Hoeven is a community advocate and serves on Fort Collins' Citizens Review Board. She said in an Instagram post she wants to protect the most vulnerable populations, enable a strong workforce, make housing accessible and build on transportation infrastructure. Her website, is still under construction. Zoelle Lane is a human resources professional at CSU. She says on her website, that she wants to raise the minimum wage, expand efforts to make housing affordable in Fort Collins, protect and advocate for vulnerable communities, and improve the path to unionization for workers in Fort Collins. How ranked-choice voting works This election will be the city's first ranked-choice voting election, which will apply to only the races where there are three or more candidates. So far, that is the mayor's race and District 1. Voters will rank their preferences rather than selecting only one candidate. Any candidate who gets more than 50% of first-choice votes wins the race outright. But if no one gets a majority, it works like this: The last-place candidate gets knocked out, and those who voted for them have their vote redistributed to their second-choice picks. The process continues until one candidate reaches more than 50% of the votes. Other city ballot items In addition to the above races, voters will decide several city ballot issues and city charter changes. Officially on the ballot are: Six council-referred proposed changes to the city charter. Updating the charter is one of this council's major priorities for this term. The amendments voters will see Nov. 4 apply to a variety of charter sections that cover things like: elections procedures, public notifications about ordinances, campaign contributions, open records, executive sessions and council member conflicts of interest, terms, vacancies. A citizen-initiated question asking whether the entire former Hughes Stadium site now owned by the city should become a natural area. These items are likely to be on the ballot. Council will vote on whether to refer them on Aug. 19: A citizen-initiated question asking to permanently renew a quarter-cent sales tax funding natural areas and creating a new plan for how the funds are allocated. A council-referred question asking whether the former Hughes Stadium site now owned by the city should become a multi-use recreation and community space, as recommended by a citizen civic assembly. A council-referred question asking voters to renew a quarter-cent sales tax for specified capital projects in Fort Collins. This article originally appeared on Fort Collins Coloradoan: Fort Collins election 2025: Who is running for mayor, City Council Solve the daily Crossword
