
Japan marks 80th anniversary of WWII surrender as concern grows about fading memory
Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba expressed "remorse" over the war, which he called a mistake, restoring the word in a Japanese leader's Aug. 15 address for the first time since 2013, when former premier Shinzo Abe shunned it.
Ishiba, however, did not mention Japan's aggression across Asia or apologize.
"We will never repeat the tragedy of the war. We will never go the wrong way," Ishiba said. "Once again, we must deeply keep to our hearts the remorse and lesson from that war."
In a national ceremony Friday at Tokyo's Budokan hall, about 4,500 officials and bereaved families and their descendants from around the country observed a moment of silence at noon, the time when the then-emperor's surrender speech began on Aug. 15, 1945.
Just a block away at Yasukuni Shrine, seen by Asian neighbors as a symbol of militarism, dozens of Japanese rightwing politicians and their supporters came to pray.
Ishiba stayed away from Yasukuni and sent a religious ornament as a personal gesture instead of praying at the controversial shrine.
But Shinjiro Koizumi, the agriculture minister considered as a top candidate to replace the beleaguered prime minister, prayed at the shrine. Koizumi, the son of popular former Prime Minitser Junichiro Koizumi whose Yasukuni visit as a serving leader in 2001 outraged China, is a regular at the shrine.
Rightwing lawmakers, including former economic security ministers Sanae Takaichi and Takayuki Kobayashi, as well as governing Liberal Democratic Party heavyweight Koichi Hagiuda, also visited the shrine Friday.
The shrine honors convicted war criminals, among about 2.5 million war dead. Victims of Japanese aggression, especially China and the Koreas, see visits to the shrine as a lack of remorse about Japan's wartime past.
Japanese emperors have stopped visiting the Yasukuni site since the enshrinement of top war criminals there in 1978.
Emperor Naruhito, in his address at the Budokan memorial Friday, expressed his earnest hope that the ravages of war will never be repeated while "reflecting on our past and bearing in mind the feelings of deep remorse."
Naruhito reiterated the importance of telling the war's tragic history and the ordeals faced during and after the war to younger generations as "we continue to seek the peace and happiness of the people in the future."
As part of the 80th anniversary remembrance, he has traveled to Iwo Jima, Okinawa and Hiroshima, and is expected to visit Nagasaki with his daughter, Princess Aiko, in September.
Hajime Eda, whose father died on his way home from Korea when his ship was hit by a mine, said he will never forget his father and others who never made it home. In his speech representing the bereaved families, Eda said it is Japan's responsibility to share the lesson -- the emptiness of the conflict, the difficulty of reconstruction and the preciousness of peace.
There was some hope at the ceremony, with a number of teenagers participating after learning about their great-grandfathers who died in the battlefields.
Among them, Ami Tashiro, a 15-year-old high school student from Hiroshima, said she joined a memorial marking the end of the battle on Iwo Jima in April after reading a letter her great-grandfather sent from the island. She also hopes to join in the search for his remains.
As the population of wartime generations rapidly decline, Japan faces serious questions on how it should pass on the wartime history to the next generation, as the country has already faced revisionist pushbacks under Abe and his supporters in the 2010s.
Since 2013, Japanese prime ministers stopped apologizing to Asian victims, under the precedent set by Abe.
Some lawmakers' denial of Japan's military role in massive civilian deaths on Okinawa or the Nanking Massacre have stirred controversy.
In an editorial Friday, the Mainichi newspaper noted that Japan's pacifist principle was mostly about staying out of global conflict, rather than thinking how to make peace, and called the country to work together with Asian neighbors as equal partners.
"It's time to show a vision toward 'a world without war' based on the lesson from its own history," the Mainichi said.

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The Diplomat
10 minutes ago
- The Diplomat
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The day after the election results were confirmed, Ishiba announced his commitment to preventing political stagnation in the face of ongoing tariff negotiations with the United States and a worsening security environment – an announcement widely interpreted as a public declaration that he would remain in power. Since then, whenever questioned by the press or during Diet deliberations, he has categorically denied any intention to step down as prime minister, even accusing the media of misreporting his position. Even after facing a shouting crowd of fellow party members, Ishiba – at least for now – appears determined to soldier on. Technically speaking, the results of an upper house election do not determine who becomes prime minister in Japan. The prime minister is selected during a special session of the Diet, which is convened after a lower house election or following the resignation of the Cabinet. Some within the LDP say that the party rules stipulate a 'recall' clause, which allows them to redo a presidential election to select a new leader. But the rules in the book have never been tested, and there is a high bar for it to be enacted. Borrowing Ishiba's own words from 2007 about then-Prime Minister Abe: 'Unless he says he wants to quit, you can't make him quit unless you follow the proper procedures.' However, there are more substantial reasons that may have emboldened Ishiba to ignore his foremost critics – primarily conservative factions – who are pressuring him to resign. First, the public does not appear to be particularly concerned about whether Ishiba remains prime minister. Polls indicate that a majority of respondents believe Ishiba does not need to step down, and that number rises when the sample is limited to LDP supporters; according to NHK 69 percent of them prefer the Ishiba administration to continue. Based on these polling results, two hypotheses can be drawn. First, public frustration seems to be directed more toward the LDP as a party – whose image remains tarnished by the political funds scandal – than toward Ishiba as an individual. Second, the LDP's diehard conservative base has largely abandoned it, thereby increasing the relative influence of moderate factions who tend to support Ishiba's political style. This passive public support may have instilled in Ishiba a sense of responsibility to remain in office. Ironically, although conservative members of the LDP are calling for Ishiba's resignation, their efforts may be undermining their own cause. For nearly two decades, Japanese conservatives have been Ishiba's archrivals, and the distrust between them is mutual. Reports suggest that their attempt to force Ishiba from power may have only strengthened his resolve to stay, as he views them as the primary reason for the LDP's recent electoral losses – particularly given that a significant number of them have been implicated in the slush fund controversy. There are many roadblocks ahead for Ishiba as he fulfills his responsibility to govern. First, the loss of both houses in the Diet means he can no longer hide behind the cloak of responsibility – he will have to concede even more ground to the opposition. Some parties have openly refused to cooperate with Ishiba, though they imply they may reverse course if he fully embraces their demands. For example, Democratic Party for the People (DPFP) leader Tamaki Yuichiro stated that he will not 'cooperate with an Ishiba administration that does not fulfill its promise,' leaving room for collaboration once Ishiba begins accommodating Tamaki's party. 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