US Urges Ceasefire as Thai, Cambodian Leaders Head to Malaysia for Peace Talks
According to the US Department of State Spokesperson Tammy Bruce, Rubio spoke with Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn to stress the importance of an immediate ceasefire.
"Secretary Rubio reiterated President Trump's desire for peace and the importance of an immediate ceasefire. The US is prepared to facilitate future discussions to ensure peace and stability between Thailand and Cambodia," Bruce said in a statement that was made available on the department's official website.
bootstrap slideshow
Bruce said Rubio conveyed a similar message to Thai Foreign Minister Maris Sangiampongsa, reaffirming Washington's readiness to facilitate dialogue and peace efforts between both countries.
In the latest development, Bernama reported that the Thai government has confirmed it will attend a regional peace consultation in Malaysia on Monday to discuss the escalating border conflict with Cambodia.
Government spokesperson Jirayu Huangsap said Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, in his capacity as the current ASEAN Chair, has invited the Thai leadership to discuss the Thai-Cambodian conflict.
He added that Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet will also attend the consultation at the invitation of the ASEAN Chair.
The Thai delegation is scheduled to depart from the Royal Thai Air Force base at approximately 10.30 am, with the meeting set for 3 pm (Malaysian time).
The border dispute between the two nations escalated on July 25, leading to armed clashes along Cambodia's northern border region.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


New Straits Times
11 minutes ago
- New Straits Times
Business association praises Malaysia's role in Cambodia–Thailand ceasefire
KUALA LUMPUR: The Malaysia-Cambodia Business Association (MCBA) has commended Malaysia for its role in brokering an immediate ceasefire deal between Cambodia and Thailand, a move it said was critical to restoring peace and regional stability. "We extend our highest respect to Malaysia for the leadership demonstrated in facilitating this breakthrough," MCBA founding president Datuk Seri Ricky Yaw said in a statement. Yaw commended Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim for being proactive in seeking a diplomatic solution in his capacity as Asean chair. He also praised Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thailand's acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai for their political foresight and courage to ensure peace. The deadly clashes between Cambodia and Thailand had killed 35 people and displaced over 200,000. Yesterday, Hun Manet and Phumtham agreed to an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. Anwar announced the agreement following a special meeting in Malaysia involving Hun Manet and Phumtham Wechayachai, with Anwar serving as host and Asean Chair. "As a regional business association that promotes peace, trade, and investment, we firmly believe that economic growth must be grounded in mutual respect, regional cooperation, and long-term stability," Yaw said. "We urge all Asean member states to continue supporting diplomatic efforts and trust-building mechanisms to prevent further escalation and strengthen mutual understanding. "Peace is always the foundation of prosperity," he added.

Malay Mail
11 minutes ago
- Malay Mail
The lowest hanging fruit of peace yet the most difficult to manage: On the Thai-Cambodian conflict — Phar Kim Beng
JULY 29 — At first glance, the simmering conflict along the Thai-Cambodian border appears manageable. It is a border dispute between two Asean member states with a shared history, rich cultural heritage, and long-standing diplomatic ties. Yet, paradoxically, it has become one of the most explosive challenges Asean has faced since the historic Bali Summit in 1976. What should be the lowest hanging fruit of peace-making has morphed into a geopolitical conundrum, threatening the very principle that underpins Asean unity: peaceful resolution of disputes. All ten member states of Asean, alongside Strategic Dialogue Partners such as the United States and China, are unequivocal in their desire to see peace restored in the region. From Laos, the former Chair of Asean, to Malaysia, the current Chair, and the Philippines, the incoming Chair in 2026, there is no dissent. The consensus is clear: peace must prevail in Indo-China. All ten member states of Asean, alongside Strategic Dialogue Partners such as the United States and China, are unequivocal in their desire to see peace restored in the region. — Reuters pic Unlike the wars in Ukraine, Gaza, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, or Yemen—where the lines of contestation are deeply entangled with ideological schisms, proxy rivalries, and regional realignments—the Thai-Cambodian conflict is, on paper, one of the easiest to resolve. The lives of over 80,000 people, uprooted and traumatized across both sides of the border, could be spared further agony if only both sides would agree to an unconditional ceasefire, regardless of who fired first. Indeed, on July 26, the second day of the conflict, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia, in his capacity as Asean Chair, issued a forthright call for both Thailand and Cambodia to 'cease and desist' from further armed confrontation. Remarkably, the guns did fall silent—for a brief hour—before being replaced by a renewed barrage of shelling. That fleeting pause highlights the tragedy of this conflict: the possibility of peace is within reach, yet the political and military calculus on both sides appears to be steering in the opposite direction. What makes this episode so confounding is the apparent disregard for Asean's foundational principles, especially the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), which explicitly enshrines that 'force shall not be an instrument of foreign policy.' Thailand, as a founding member of Asean, and Cambodia, a member since 1999 after a harrowing civil war, are both bound by these norms. Their repeated skirmishes—most notably in 2008 and 2011 over the ancient temple of Preah Vihear—ought to have served as cautionary tales. Instead, the current escalation suggests a regression from the diplomatic maturity Asean prides itself on. The situation becomes even more perplexing with reports that Thailand's navy—stationed some 750 kilometers away from the 817-kilometre border—is being mobilized in the Gulf of Thailand. What strategic rationale underpins this naval involvement in a land-based conflict? It raises more questions than answers. At the core of this conflict may lie something deceptively mundane: maps. Cambodia maintains that the proper reference should be colonial-era maps at a scale of 1:200,000—maps once accepted by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 1962 when it awarded Preah Vihear temple to Cambodia, though it remained silent on adjacent territories. Thailand, especially its military, insists on a more granular scale of 1:50,000, arguing for higher precision. In this cartographic divergence lies a gaping chasm, one that fuels military posturing and nationalist fervor. Despite these technical disputes, there is no reason this conflict should escalate into a prolonged confrontation. Anwar Ibrahim's diplomatic efforts—backed by the U.S., China, and the European Union—are not just timely but imperative. That China, despite its complex history with Cambodia, has agreed to observe rather than interfere, is a significant endorsement of Asean's centrality. Equally critical is the support of the Philippines and Singapore, the next two Chairs of Asean, who must now prepare to uphold and sustain any ceasefire framework or de-escalation architecture built in Kuala Lumpur. The stakes are high. If this conflict drags on, by the time Thailand assumes the Asean Chair in 2028, there may be no impartial third-party mediator left within Asean to arbitrate. A Chair embroiled in an active territorial dispute will compromise the credibility of Asean's conflict-resolution mechanisms and the very notion of Asean centrality itself. Yet, there are encouraging signs. The current alignment of international support around Malaysia's chairmanship has revived the concept of an Asean Troika—where the previous, current, and incoming chairs work together to manage crises. This tripartite mechanism, often dormant in Asean diplomacy, is now being deployed effectively, with Kuala Lumpur at the helm. That this initiative has the consent of Washington and Beijing, not to mention Brussels, demonstrates rare multilateral consensus in a region often caught in the crosshairs of great power rivalry. However, prudence is necessary. While Thailand's military may have the right to respond to incursions or casualties, it must now prioritize international mediation, disarmament, and transparency. Cambodia, led by Senate President Hun Sen and Prime Minister Hun Manet, must also accept that war is a luxury Phnom Penh can ill afford. With its forces outmanned and outgunned, prolonging the conflict would be strategically suicidal and economically ruinous. The upcoming Kuala Lumpur Summit between Thai and Cambodian leaders is thus critical. Not only must it forge an immediate ceasefire, but it must also establish a timeline for demilitarization and third-party verification. Both sides must rein in their respective militaries, whose operational independence risks dragging both nations into a conflict neither wants nor can sustain. The unresolved legacies of colonial cartography and nationalist pride must not be allowed to eclipse the hard-won stability Asean has nurtured since 1967. If managed well, this could be Asean's finest hour. If not, it could mark the beginning of its irrelevance. Peace is indeed the lowest hanging fruit in this crisis, but as history has shown time and again, it is often the most difficult one to pluck. *This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.


The Star
22 minutes ago
- The Star
Mandate secondary schooling
Ready to roll: Students queueing to enter SMJK Katholik in Petaling Jaya, Selangor, in this file photo. KUALA LUMPUR: To create nationwide access to education, amendments to the Education Act to make secondary schooling compulsory have been brought to Parliament. The Education (Amendment) Bill 2025 was presented for first reading in the Dewan Rakyat yesterday by Deputy Education Minister Wong Kah Woh, who said the second and third readings are expected to be completed during the current session. The Bill, among others, seeks to revise the definition of 'compulsory education' in the 1996 Education Act to include secondary schooling. It also introduces a new provision – Section 32A – that empowers the Education Minister to designate secondary education as mandatory for all Malaysian children residing in the country. It states that parents are legally required to enrol their children in both primary and secondary institutions, unless officially exempted. Under the new Section 32(a)(4), parents who fail to enrol their children in school face a fine of up to RM5,000, six months' jail or both, upon conviction. The Bill further stipulates penalties for non-compliance with the new provisions and authorises the minister to make additional regulations related to enforcement and exemptions. Wong said the legislation would also amend provisions related to the registration of children for primary schooling, requiring parents to enrol children by the age of six as of Jan 1 in any given academic year. If passed, the changes will mark a significant expansion of Malaysia's education mandate. The Bill notes that implementing the new measures will incur additional government expenditure, with the exact amount yet to be determined.