German police probe 8 document fraud cases among new Afghan arrivals
The German Federal Police are investigating several Afghans who entered the country with a promise of admission for possible document fraud.
Preliminary investigations have been launched in eight cases for document fraud, the authorities said on Thursday evening. According to information obtained by dpa from security sources, the cases mainly involve forged or falsified documents.
A plane chartered by the German government carrying 138 Afghan nationals granted admission to Germany touched down in the eastern city of Leipzig on Wednesday evening.
The plane took off from Pakistan's capital Islamabad.
"We can confirm that the particularly endangered persons from Afghanistan who arrived yesterday from Pakistan have been subjected to entry checks and that preliminary investigations have been initiated," a spokesman for the Federal Ministry of the Interior told the German tabloid Bild.
Foreign Office: No doubts about identity
"All persons on the charter flight were thoroughly checked," a spokeswoman for the Foreign Office in Berlin said. "There was no doubt about anyone's identity, because security is the top priority in these procedures."
All those who entered Germany had been persecuted by the Taliban.
Germany is taking in Afghans through several programmes. Until shortly before the Islamist Taliban seized power again in August 2021, Germany had soldiers in the country as part of a NATO mission.
In addition to former local staff of the German Armed Forces and other German institutions and their relatives, Afghans who fear persecution by the Taliban are also to be accepted. This may be the case because they have worked as lawyers or journalists for human rights in the past.
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The Awami League Comments on UK Prime Minister's Potential Meeting With Unelected Bangladeshi Leader
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At a time when Bangladesh is experiencing economic decline, escalating political repression, and growing human rights abuses - particularly against women and girls - the UK Government's decision to engage with Mr Yunus threatens to send a damaging signal about the primacy of democracy and the rule of law. Upon arrival in the UK, Mr Yunus is expected to be greeted by demonstrators including Bangladeshis living in the UK who have been forced to flee since his accession to power ten months ago. Tensions have escalated due to the recent banning of the Awami League by the Yunus government, which represents a deeply alarming departure from democratic norms. The Awami League is one of Bangladesh's founding parties and is still supported by tens of millions of citizens and expatriates. Last week Yunus announced general elections in April 2026. Even if this promise is fulfilled, the Awami League's forced exclusion from political participation will render this election inherently undemocratic. Furthermore, freedom of the press in Bangladesh is under unprecedented attack. Journalists seen to support the Awami League have been arrested, and politically motivated charges have been brought against at least 140 others. Human Rights Watch has highlighted a disturbing practice by authorities of filing vague or mass criminal complaints, enabling the arbitrary arrest of thousands - mostly targeting Awami League supporters. In the wake of the student-led quota movement, the country has descended into violence and instability. In the three months following last summer's protests, over 2,000 attacks against Hindus and other minorities were recorded, and this figure has only risen. Women and girls are also being disproportionately affected: child rape cases rose significantly in early 2025, while a girls' football tournament was cancelled under pressure from Islamist factions. Civil unrest continues to grow. Most recently, public sector workers have taken to the streets to oppose unpopular reforms, adding to widespread discontent. The nation's once high-growth economy, credited with lifting millions out of poverty, has been downgraded by the IMF, which warned GDP growth had fallen from 5.1% to 3.3% "reflecting economic disruptions caused by the popular uprising, a tighter policy mix, and heightened uncertainty that weighed on investment." The IMF also warned Yunus he needed to improve his regime's governance and transparency and that his legal reforms "should align with international standards". MOHAMMAD ARAFAT, SPOKESMAN FOR AWAMI LEAGUE, SAID: "It is ironic and extraordinary that an unelected leader is visiting the home of modern parliamentary democracy and expecting a warm welcome. This visit risks inflaming tensions in both Bangladesh and the UK, home to a large Bangladeshi diaspora. By offering credibility to such a government, Sir Keir Starmer would compromise the UK's reputation as a defender of democratic values. We urge the UK Government and His Majesty the King to press Mr Yunus to commit to elections that are free and fair, rather than rigged against his critics. He must lift the ban on the Awami League, enable multi-party participation, and respect the democratic will of the Bangladeshi people." NOTES TO EDITORS Demonstrations protesting against the Interim Government will be held at various locations in London during Dr Yunus's visit. These include a demonstration outside Chatham House from 1030 to 1230 UK time on Wednesday June 11, and an all-day demonstration outside Parliament on Thursday June 12. The UK Awami League's full letter to Downing Street, the Speaker of the House of Commons, the Commonwealth Secretariat and the King's Fund: I am writing on behalf of the Awami League to express our concerns about the UK Government meeting with Muhammad Yunus, the self-proclaimed Chief Adviser of Bangladesh. The recent ban on the Awami League, by an unelected and unconstitutional government, marks a deeply troubling shift away from democratic norms and sets an alarming precedent for the future of Bangladeshi politics. The Awami League played a key role in the country's founding and tens of millions of Bangladeshi nationals and expatriates still align with the party's core beliefs. With the ban in place, it is impossible to have free, fair and truly democratic elections in Bangladesh. The ban comes amid rising attacks on Awami League members, targeted political persecution and a growing repression of media freedom. 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In the first three months of this year alone, the Human Rights Society reported at least 47 deaths and 2,475 injuries in over 300 incidents of political violence. Police in Bangladesh's cities are recording an unprecedented spike in muggings and robberies as demoralised and under resourced law enforcement agencies cede control of the streets to criminal gangs. Much of this violence has been targeted at women and girls. Since August last year, crime against women has risen exponentially, while the response from the authorities has been minimal. Between January and March this year, UNICEF reported an alarming 50 cases of child rape – a trend it considers is only worsening. In February, a girls' football tournament was cancelled following pressure from one Islamist group, and just recently, a professor was transferred out of her post following protests from another Islamist pressure group. These are just some examples of the violence and public harassment Bangladeshi women have been subject to for failing to conform to Islamist perceptions of modesty or for simply existing in the public eye. There is a clear correlation between the culture of impunity around gendered violence and the Yunus administration's decision to allows Islamic extremists to take senior positions in government. To be clear, since its independence in 1971 Bangladesh has maintained a proud tradition of secularism in politics. The abandonment of that tradition threatens our civil society and our hard-won social progress. There has been extensive reporting about a rapprochement between the interim government and organisations with known terrorist links, including Jamaat-e-Islami, Chatra Shibir, Harakat ul-Jihad-iIslami/Bangladesh, ISIS-Bangladesh and Hizb ut-Tahrir – a group recognised by the UK Government as a terrorist organisation. Meanwhile the persecution of religious minorities is widely reported to have increased. In the three months following the summer's protests, more than 2,000 attacks against Hindus and other minorities were recorded, and this figure has only risen. Vandalism of Hindu places of worship and statues continues to this day. Leading Hindu monk Chinmoy Krishna Das was also arrested and denied due process. Discontent with the current regime is disrupting daily life and causing chaos in civic and commercial life. Public sector workers have become the most recent group to protest the interim government's proposed reforms, taking to the streets this past week. Bangladesh's high-growth economy – the nation's greatest achievement over the past 20 years, lifting millions out of poverty – is now in peril. 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Frederick Forsyth, who has died at the age of 86, wrote meticulously researched thrillers which sold in their millions. A former fighter pilot, journalist and spy, many of his books were based on his own experience. He wove intricate technical details into his stories, without detracting from the lightning pace of his plots. His research often embarrassed the authorities, who were forced to admit that some of the shady tactics he revealed were used in real-life espionage. Frederick McCarthy Forsyth was born on 25 August 1938 in Ashford, Kent. The only child of a furrier, he dealt with loneliness by immersing himself in adventure stories. Among his favourites were the works John Buchan and H Rider Haggard, but Forsyth adored Ernest Hemingway's book on bullfighters, Death in the Afternoon. He was so captivated that - at the age of 17 - he went to Spain and started practising with a cape. He never actually fought a bull. Instead, he spent five months at the University of Granada before returning to do his national service with the RAF. Having spent years dreaming of becoming a pilot, Forsyth lied about his age so he could fly de Havilland Vampire jets. In 1958, he joined the Eastern Daily Press as a local journalist. Three years later, he moved to the Reuters news agency. At Tonbridge School, Forsyth had excelled in foreign languages but little else. Fluent in French, German, Spanish, and Russian, he was a born foreign correspondent. Posted to Paris, he covered a number of stories relating to assassination attempts on the life of France's President Charles de Gaulle, by members of the Organisation de l'Armee Secrete (OAS). The group of ex-army personnel were angered at de Gaulle's decision to give independence to Algeria after many of their comrades had died fighting Algerian nationalists. Forsyth called the OAS "white colonialists and neo-fascists". And he decided that, if they really wanted to kill de Gaulle, they would have to hire a professional assassin. Forsyth joined the BBC in 1965. Two years later, he was sent to Nigeria to cover the civil war that followed the secession of the south-eastern region of Biafra. When the fighting dragged on far longer than had been expected, Forsyth asked permission to stay and cover it. According to his autobiography, the BBC told him "it is not our policy to cover this war". "I smelt news management," he said. "I don't like news management." He quit his job and continued to cover the war as a freelance reporter for the next two years. He chronicled his experiences in The Biafra Story, which was published in 1969. He later claimed that, while in Nigeria, he began working for MI6, a relationship that continued for two decades. He also become friendly with a number of mercenaries, who taught him how to get a false passport, obtain a gun and break an enemy's neck. All these tricks of the trade would be incorporated in a tale of an attempted assassination of President de Gaulle, The Day of the Jackal, which he pounded out in his bedsit on an old typewriter in just 35 days. He spent months trying to get it published but faced a string of rejections. "For starters, de Gaulle was still alive," he said, "so readers already knew a fictional assassination plot set in 1963 couldn't succeed." Eventually, a publisher risked a short print run and sales of the book, described once as "an assassin's manual", took off, first in the UK and then in the US. The Day of the Jackal showcased what would become the traditional hallmarks of a Forsyth thriller. It wove together fact and fiction, often using the names of real individuals and events. The Jackal's forgery of a British passport, using the name of a dead child taken from a churchyard, was perfectly feasible in the days before electronic databases and cross-checking. The tale was made into an award-winning film in 1973, staring Edward Fox as the anonymous gunman. Forsyth followed up his success with The Odessa File, the story of a German reporter attempting to track down Eduard Roschmann - a notorious Nazi nicknamed the "Butcher of Riga" - who is protected by a secret society of former SS men known as Odessa. As part of his research, Forsyth travelled to Hamburg posing as a South African arms dealer. "I managed to penetrate their world and was feeling rather proud of myself," he later said. "What I didn't know was that the (contact) had passed a bookshop shortly after our meeting. And there, in the window, was The Day of the Jackal, with a great big picture of me on the back cover." The film of the book led to the identification of the real "Butcher of Riga", who was living in Argentina - after one of his neighbours went to see it at the local cinema. He was arrested by the Argentinian authorities, but skipped bail and fled to Paraguay. The book also mentioned a hoard of Nazi gold that was exported to Switzerland in 1944. Twenty-five years after publication, the Jewish World Congress discovered this passage and, eventually, located gold valued at £1bn. According to the Sunday Times, Forsyth's third novel, The Dogs of War, drew on his experience of organising a coup in Africa. The newspaper reported that Forsyth had once spent $200,000 hiring a boat and recruiting European and African soldiers of fortune for a raid designed to oust the President of Equatorial Guinea in 1972. The plan was said to have failed when the arrangements broke down and the soldiers were intercepted by the Spanish police in the Canary Islands, 3,000 miles from their objective. Then came Devil's Alternative, in which Britain's first female prime minister, Joan Carpenter, was firmly based on Margaret Thatcher, a politician Forsyth greatly admired. She later appeared, under her real name, in four Forsyth novels. There was a move into biography in 1982 with Emeka, the life story of Forsyth's friend Col Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the head of state of Biafra during that country's brief independence. In 1984, he returned to the novel with The Fourth Protocol: a complex tale of a Soviet plot to influence the British general election and install a hard-left Labour government. The book so impressed Sir Michael Caine that he persuaded Forsyth to allow a film version, in which the veteran actor starred alongside Pierce Brosnan. In the late 1980s, Forsyth separated from his first wife, the former model Carole Cunningham and was photographed alongside the actress Faye Dunaway. The Negotiator, published in 1991, continued the successful run while The Deceiver, the tale of a maverick but brilliant MI6 agent, was made into a BBC mini-series. After two more thrillers, The Fist of God and Icon, Forsyth took an abrupt detour with The Phantom of Manhattan: a sequel to the Phantom of the Opera, which had been a successful musical. It was not a great success but, in 2010, Andrew Lloyd Webber took elements of it for his musical follow-up to Phantom, Love Never Dies. A second set of short stories, The Veteran, also had mixed reviews but Forsyth bounced back in his usual style with Avenger, a 2003 political thriller and, three years later, The Afghan, which had links with the earlier Fist of God. By now, Forsyth had established a reputation as a broadcaster and political pundit. He was a frequent guest on the BBC's topical debate programme Question Time, as someone who held views on the right of the political spectrum. A committed Eurosceptic, he once derailed former Prime Minister Ted Heath on the programme - after proving that he had indeed, despite his denials, once signed a document agreeing to transfer UK gold reserves to Frankfurt. On turning 70, the pace of his writing began to slow. The Cobra, published in 2010, saw the return of some of the characters from Avenger. In 2013, Forsyth published The Kill List, a fast-moving tale built round a Muslim fanatic called The Preacher, whose online videos encouraged young Muslims to carry out a series of killings. He wrote all his books on a typewriter and refused to use the internet for his research. Ironically, his 18th novel, The Fox - published in 2018 - was a spy thriller about a gifted computer hacker. Forsyth announced it was to be his final book, but he later came out of self-imposed retirement after the death of his second wife, Sandy, in 2024. He said he was writing another adventure, and even suggested a raffle might give someone the chance to name a character after themselves. Having sold the film rights for £20,000 in the 1970s, Forsyth received no payment for Eddie Redmayne's version of The Day of the Jackal when it was re-imagined for television last year on Sky. Well into his 80s, he had long since agreed to stop research trips to far-flung parts of the world - when a trip to Guinea-Bissau left him with an infection that nearly cost him a leg. "It is a bit drug-like, journalism," he admitted. "I don't think that instinct ever dies." It was an instinct that made his life as full and exciting as his thrillers. The Day Of The Jackal author Frederick Forsyth dies Lee Child: Why Forsyth's Jackal changed thriller writing Frederick Forsyth reveals spy past
