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India among top contributors even as global peacekeeping ops drop by 40%: Report

India among top contributors even as global peacekeeping ops drop by 40%: Report

India Today4 days ago

As global conflicts surge, multilateral peace operations are paradoxically shrinking in scale. According to the latest data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), deployments to peace operations have dropped by over 40 per cent in the last decade — from 1,61,509 personnel in 2015 to just 94,451 in 2024.Yet, India continued to retain its place among the top troop contributors to United Nations peacekeeping efforts. With 5,211 military personnel deployed, India ranks third globally, following Nepal (5,908) and Bangladesh (5,482). All three South Asian nations remain strong supporters of UN-led peace missions.advertisementThe SIPRI report underscored a striking pattern: every one of the top 10 troop-contributing countries hails from the Global South. Besides India, the list includes Pakistan and six sub-Saharan African nations, such as Rwanda and Kenya, highlighting the South's continued commitment to global peacekeeping, even as Western powers retreat or refocus.
In 2024, 61 peace operations were active across 36 countries — just two fewer than in 2023. However, these missions are operating with fewer personnel and increasingly constrained mandates, largely due to geopolitical tensions and funding shortages, according to the report.Sub-Saharan Africa remains the epicentre of peacekeeping activity. Of all deployed personnel, a staggering 74 per cent — amounting to nearly 70,000 — were stationed in this region. In contrast, only 0.3 per cent (314 personnel) were deployed in Asia and Oceania, including missions involving Indian forces.advertisementPeace operations are also being undermined by a fractured UN Security Council. Furthermore, SIPRI noted that internal rifts have effectively paralysed the council's ability to launch new large-scale UN missions. No major UN-led peacekeeping operation has been initiated in the past decade.Financial strains are compounding the crisis. Delayed payments from key funders — including the United States, China, and several EU nations — have placed severe pressure on UN operations. The recent closure of the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) was one of the casualties of this fiscal squeeze.As multilateral responses falter, some conflict-hit countries are turning to private military and security companies (PMSCs). However, SIPRI cautioned that reliance on PMSCs, seen in places like Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo, often produces mixed or poor results.Ironically, even host nations that previously demanded peacekeeper withdrawals are reversing course. Both the DRC and Somalia have recently urged peacekeepers to remain longer, following renewed instability and threats in areas vacated by UN forces.Despite the operational setbacks and declining troop numbers, SIPRI experts argued that multilateral peace operations continue to serve as essential tools for managing conflict and protecting civilians. Their remarks came ahead of the International Day of UN Peacekeepers, observed on May 29.

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All-party delegation arrives in UK to convey India's policy of zero tolerance towards terrorism
All-party delegation arrives in UK to convey India's policy of zero tolerance towards terrorism

The Print

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  • The Print

All-party delegation arrives in UK to convey India's policy of zero tolerance towards terrorism

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Haryana CM Nayab Singh Saini urges citizens to follow Ahilyabai Holkar's legacy to realise PM Modi's vision of a developed India
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  • Time of India

Haryana CM Nayab Singh Saini urges citizens to follow Ahilyabai Holkar's legacy to realise PM Modi's vision of a developed India

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US, Pak, China: The post-Sindoor world calls for a strategic reset
US, Pak, China: The post-Sindoor world calls for a strategic reset

Time of India

time31 minutes ago

  • Time of India

US, Pak, China: The post-Sindoor world calls for a strategic reset

India's pushback to Pakistan's provocation in Pahalgam is an inflection point in regional geopolitics. There are big-picture lessons that must be absorbed to reorient Indian statecraft in a rapidly changing international and regional setting. The Sino-Pakistan axis has acquired an operational reality that is difficult to ignore and not straightforward to counter. Most strategists recognise that India's conventional superiority over Pakistan means little in the context of controlled limited conflicts that are likely to occur under the nuclear shadow. For all practical purposes, Pakistan is a near-peer military competitor. This is now further complicated by the presence of China's military industrial complex that can selectively tilt the scales in Pakistan's favour. China's PLA, whose primary mission is to deny access to and potentially defeat the US in the Taiwan Straits, has spent the past decade modernising its forces for such a scenario. The focus has been on developing capabilities such as modern sensors, electronic intelligence satellites, electronic warfare, long range air-to-air missiles, and advanced tactical-combat aircraft. It is apparent that some of these capabilities have made their way to the Pakistan military. Build on thaw: While the Sino-Pak axis is worrying, there is room to wean China away from Pakistan China can buttress Pakistan's conventional power to keep pace and perhaps even surpass India in select areas in the future. What works to India's advantage is that unlike US and NATO hardware that come with well-known caveats and geopolitical risks, our 'no-strings attached' partnership with Russia's advanced military -industrial complex allows the Indian military to integrate its growing indigenous capacities with select high-technology systems to maintain a qualitative edge. This being said, it is futile for India to engage in an all-out arms race (in essence, with China) or frantically build up conventional power. Strategic nuclear and conventional deterrence for major contingencies is robust and expected to strengthen over time. Remember, the main challenge is countering asymmetric warfare with the new doctrine of assured and calibrated cost imposition on Pakistan. The means can vary over time — from the conventional to the sub-conventional to non-traditional areas like water security. There are obvious limits to China's ability to protect Pakistan from the blowback of its asymmetric warfare. There are larger questions that Indian policymakers can no longer brush under the carpet. Why did the Sino-Pak axis acquire such momentum in recent years? And, should India do anything to reshape Beijing's calculations in the subcontinent? First, there is no doubt that India's declared China-centric alignment with the US over the past decade was the lightning rod for Beijing to deepen ties with Rawalpindi much beyond its traditional partnership model. But the US had no desire to open a geopolitical front with China in the subcontinent and did little to shore up India's regional position. The US was primarily interested in drawing India into an extra-regional maritime role to support its security goals in the Western Pacific. Quite extraordinarily then, the Chinese counter to India's bold balance of power move with the US not only went unchallenged in the subcontinent, it actually led to a tacit convergence between Washington and Beijing on upholding Pakistan's basic position in the regional order and the primacy of the Pakistan army at home. Nothing demonstrated this stark geopolitical reality to Delhi more than the recent crisis. Can Indian statecraft arrest the deterioration in the regional chessboard that is partly the result of miscalculation from its own geostrategies? Beijing's primary geopolitical threats emanate from its eastern seaboard and will only grow over time. There is room to wean China away from Pakistan and bring Beijing's regional policy back towards a balance that is acceptable to Delhi. For this to occur, India must build on the 2024 thaw reached between the two leaderships and explore the possibility of a framework to normalise India-China relations. As for the US, the normal will be different with or without Trump. There is no scope for a balance-of-power play with the US in the subcontinent. It was self-deception to imagine India could simply ride American power to emerge as South Asia's leading power. That outcome will have to be earned the way all regional and great powers acquired their material and normative strength — through broadening the domestic industrial, technological and human capital base of the Indian economy while intelligently leveraging the international environment. There is no other way in our multipolar age. India doesn't have to get bogged down in a low-level game with the Pakistan army. Nor should India swing into a proxy crusader against a rising China whose sights are set on countering the US in the Western Pacific. This crisis is an opportunity to craft a sophisticated grand strategy for a multipolar world. Only geopolitical incompetence can disrupt the India story from its long-range goals. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.

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