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France 24
2 hours ago
- France 24
Are French cities' youth curfews effective in curbing drug-related violence?
The city of Nîmes in southern France is famous for its Roman arenas. Yet it has recently become the theatre for a series of shootings linked to the drug trade. First there was a shooting in a public square in the neighbourhood of Pissevin which left bullet marks on a nearby building and elevator door. Then there was the gruesome discovery of the partially charred, bullet-riddled body of a 19-year-old man in a nearby village. This violence, along with other shootings in broad daylight, led authorities in Nîmes on July 18 to enforce a curfew on young people. In doing so, they are following the example of French towns like Saint-Ouen-sur-Seine north of Paris and Villecresnes in the capital's southeastern suburbs. The ban, which prohibits anyone under 16 from being outside between 9pm and 6am in the most-affected areas of the city, is meant to prevent youth from 'being exposed to violence' and to 'contain tensions', according to a press release. These curfews – whose effectiveness is difficult to assess – are regularly challenged via the justice system, particularly by French rights group LDH (Ligue des droits de l'homme). Cinderella policy fails to stem urban violence Yet resorting to curfews fails to address structural issues like the police's inability to operate in some of France's most troubled neighbourhoods, some experts say. They claim the measure is more of a communication strategy for the authorities rather than an effective social policy. The problem of 'applying the law in certain poor neighbourhoods like Pissevin in Nîmes remains', Thomas Sauvadet, a sociologist and expert on youth delinquency at Paris Est Créteil University, says. 'The level of delinquency and criminality, whether economically motivated or not, makes police action difficult." Béziers, 120 kilometres southwest of Nîmes, also imposed a nighttime curfew for children under 13 last year. Its far-right mayor Robert Ménard decided to extend the measure last March to anyone under 15 in certain areas. "No 10-year-old out on the street at 2am is up to anything but mischief," Ménard said in 2024. Despite the ban, Béziers is still witness to scenes of shocking violence. In July, some 50 individuals in balaclavas lured police into a sensitive neighbourhood and then attacked them with fireworks, local media reported. The curfew is of course 'a communication strategy on the part of the public authorities', Laurent Mucchielli, a sociologist and research director at France's national reseach centre (CNRS) specialising in delinquency and security policy, says. 'They need to show they are doing something.' 'A curfew is not easy to enforce in neighbourhoods where the police only intervene in an offensive mode, and in urban configurations where their presence is quickly spotted by lookouts who alert the drug dealers,' Mucchielli says. Lack of perspectives Among the many factors that push young people into delinquency are a lack of perspectives, inter-familial violence, and difficulties at school which later lead to problems in accessing the job market, experts say. 'Let's not forget that it's easier for drug dealers to involve young people in their business because there are many teenagers in these poor neighbourhoods who left school early and have no qualifications,' Mucchielli says. 'Their parents are part of the 40 percent of the French population who can't afford to leave their homes to go on vacation, and they see this activity as 'a way out', or at least as a way to live a little better.' The adolescents and young adults who work as petits mains, or runners, in the illegal drug trade take enormous legal and personal risks. They prepare and deliver illegal drugs in exchange for modest payments while risking their lives and exposing themselves to legal action if they get caught. Their superiors higher up the ladder, on the other hand, can make hundreds of thousands of euros per day through their drug-dealing operations. After staking out their turf, they defend it tooth and nail from both the police and any competitors they perceive as a threat to their business. Mucchielli thinks that the police should be reinforced in order to better pursue those at the top of the drug-dealing chain, rather than going after petty drug-dealers. He also recommends rapidly resolving homicide attempts. 'The level of impunity is truly worrying. It terrifies inhabitants – and rightly so. And the youths who possess firearms and use them are generally over 16' – meaning the curfew does not apply to them.
LeMonde
11 hours ago
- LeMonde
Ukraine's commendable democratic pushback against corruption
The war Ukrainians are waging to repel the Russian invasion is not only about the freedom of a people to choose their place in Europe, but also about defending democracy itself. That is why Volodymyr Zelensky's reversal on the issue of the fight against corruption deserves recognition. On Thursday, July 31, lawmakers overwhelmingly passed a bill restoring the independence of the two bodies responsible for combating this scourge. Just nine days earlier, the Ukrainian president had signed another piece of legislation, following a parliamentary vote, placing the two agencies in question under the authority of the prosecutor general, a position appointed by the president himself. This move would have allowed the government to interfere in investigations. Lawmakers from the governing coalition were instructed to approve the decision, which was presented as a measure to protect Ukraine from Russian interference. In reality, however, it would have set the country back in terms of transparency. By correcting this misstep, Zelensky showed his ability to acknowledge his mistakes. It must be said that the Ukrainian leader was confronted with an unprecedented surge of civic mobilization in the three and a half years since the conflict began. Thousands of young people took to the streets in Kyiv and other major cities, driven by a wave of national indignation. For them, retreating from the fight against corruption would mean betraying the sacrifices of those on the front lines, as well as undermining Ukraine's credibility in its bid to join the European Union and risking the loss of critical support. The fact that these protests were possible under martial law and were heard by those in power was a remarkable demonstration of democratic vitality. However, Zelensky's change of heart was not only a response to public anger. It also stemmed from pressure exerted by the EU, which considers weakening anti-corruption mechanisms in a candidate country aspiring to join its 27 member states unacceptable. The threat of suspending some EU assistance, coupled with warnings from European leaders, convinced the Ukrainian president that he was on the wrong path. Rejection of Russian control The strength of the European protests highlighted the connection between closer ties with the EU and fighting corruption. Much of Ukrainian civil society welcomed this renewed vigilance from Kyiv's allies, which reflected a dual imperative: Defending the country and strengthening the institutions that will allow Ukraine to secure a democratic future within the EU. The two goals are closely linked. Admittedly, implementing structural reforms while fending off an invading army is an unprecedented challenge. However, Ukraine's difficult military situation, characterized by a slow Russian advance and increasingly deadly bombardments, does not justify abandoning the fight against corruption. Vladimir Putin's refusal to accept the Ukrainian people's choice to turn toward the West triggered his aggressive actions. For Ukrainians, this battle is about resisting Russian domination, advancing democracy and pursuing EU membership. Ukrainian society has made its position clear to its leaders. The state of war and its constraints on democratic life must not be used as an excuse to lower the standards of honesty and accountability among those in power. Ukrainians are also fighting for that.
LeMonde
13 hours ago
- LeMonde
Mariia Nazarenko's first days in France after fleeing Ukraine: 'In Kyiv, I was a university professor. Today, I am a refugee searching for toothpaste'
"I was supposed to leave for three days. It turned into three years. On February 21, 2022, the eve of the war [Russia's invasion of Ukraine], my partner and I flew to Madrid for a romantic weekend. My 17-year-old son stayed in Ukraine. I didn't believe war was coming; even [President Volodymyr] Zelensky was joking at the time, telling us that May would, as always in our country, be the month of barbecues. I remember walking the streets of Madrid that day, suddenly overcome with panic as I read the news. It was as if anxiety caught up with me all at once. In the middle of the night, a friend called: He was under bombardment in Kyiv. My son and my mother were there, too. Everything then became surreal; I wandered like a zombie through the Spanish capital, checking the news on my phone every three minutes, bursting into tears whenever I saw a Ukrainian flag, desperately trying to convince my loved ones to leave Kyiv. But the bombs were falling, and everything was so dangerous.
