Aontu deputy leader accuses Sinn Fein of ‘smoke and mirrors' tactics over voting rights bill
Aontu is calling on Sinn Fein to explain why it hasn't signed a bill in the Dail to give Irish citizens living in Northern Ireland the right to vote in the Republic's presidential election.
The party's deputy leader, Gemma Brolly, said she was 'hugely frustrated' at Sinn Fein's failure so far to respond to correspondence from Aontu leader Peadar Toibin on the issue. Sinn Fein has been contacted for comment.
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BreakingNews.ie
16 hours ago
- BreakingNews.ie
'The working class must take back what is ours': Imagining James Connolly's Ireland
James Connolly is well-known for being a socialist and revolutionary leader in the fight for Irish independence, as well as a champion for the working class. "A revolution will only be achieved when the ordinary people of the world, us, the working class, get up off our knees and take back what is rightfully ours," is one of his famous quotes. Advertisement According to Dictionary of Irish Biography, Connolly arrived at a view that the future for socialism and the working class in Ireland lay in an independent republic rather than in continued union with Britain or in a federal arrangement involving home rule. This was quickly reflected in his and his colleagues' decision to disband the Dublin Socialist Club and to establish in its place the Irish Socialist Republican Party (ISRP). His manifesto for the new party was radical and ahead of its time, calling for free education and child health care, nationalisation of transport and banking, and a commitment to the further extension of public ownership. Connolly spent seven years (1903-1910) in the United States and, during that time, was instrumental in the development of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) militant labour organisation. Advertisement The group promoted the ideology of revolutionary syndicalism or industrial unionism, recruiting among the huge mass of unskilled and general labour in the USA. Connolly recruited Irish and Italian workers in New York for the IWW. Promoting socialism in Ireland The Dictionary of Irish Biography said Connolly's commitment to promoting socialism among the Irish was evident in his foundation of the Irish Socialist Federation in 1907. It was through its agency that he began to re-establish links with socialists in Ireland, notably with his former ISRP colleague, William O'Brien. By 1908, both he and O'Brien's Dublin socialists were considering the possibility of his coming back to be organiser for the newly emerging Socialist Party of Ireland (SPI). Advertisement The period after his return from the US saw much of the most significant theoretical and practical work of his life. In 1910, he published the important tract Labour, nationality and religion, written to rebut the attacks of the Jesuit Father Kane on socialism and to contest the notion that catholicism and socialism were irreconcilable. In the same year he also brought to publication his most famous work, Labour in Irish History. This was the first substantial exposition of a Marxist interpretation of Irish history. Highly original in some if its findings, the Dictionary of Irish Biography said it argued for the continuity of a radical tradition in Ireland, and sought to debunk nationalist myths about Ireland's past and to expose the inadequacies of middle-class Irish nationalism in providing a solution for Ireland's ills. Advertisement Easter Rising: Connolly the revolutionary During a period of time spent in Belfast, Connolly hoped to inspire union growth and socialist progress, but this agenda was quickly overtaken by the events of the lockout and general strike in Dublin from August 1913. He was summoned to Dublin to assist Larkin in the leadership of this conflict, and, when the struggle was lost and Larkin left for America in 1914, Connolly took over as acting general secretary of the defeated Transport Union. To the disastrous defeat of the locked out and striking workers was now added the calamitous outbreak of world war. This drove Connolly into an advanced nationalist position and, though he never abandoned his socialist commitment, the social revolution took a back seat. The Dictionary of Irish Biography said the growing militancy of Ulster unionist opposition to home rule, the British government's postponement of plans for home rule in the face of unionist opposition, the growing prospect of the partition of Ireland, the outbreak of world war, and the consequent collapse of international socialism, all contributed to his adopting an extreme nationalist stance. Advertisement As he wrote in Forward in March 1914: "The proposal of the Government to consent to the partition of Ireland . . . should be resisted with armed force if necessary." Connolly said that the "carnival of slaughter" that was the world war drove him to incite "war against war", and to make tentative overtures to the revolutionary IRB. By late 1915, his increasing militancy at a time when the IRB had decided on insurrection caused them in turn to approach him; by late January they and he had agreed on a joint uprising. The Transport Union headquarters at Liberty Hall became the headquarters of the Irish Citizen Army as he prepared it for revolt. The Dictionary of Irish Biography pointed out that it was ironic that Connolly, who had always argued that political freedom without socialism was useless, now joined forces with militant nationalists in an insurrection that had nothing to do directly with socialism. It seems that Connolly believed national freedom for Ireland in the circumstances was a necessity before socialism could advance. In the event, he led his small band of about 200 Citizen Army comrades into the Easter Rising of 1916. His Citizen Army joined forces with the Volunteers, as the only army he acknowledged in 1916 was that of 'the Irish Republic'. As commandant general of the Republic's forces in Dublin, he fought side by side with Patrick Pearse in the General Post Office (GPO), until surrendering on April 29th. Connolly was badly injured in the foot, and was court-martialled along with 170 others. He was one of 90 to be sentenced to death, and was the last one of the 15 to be executed by firing squad. He was shot dead, seated on a wooden box, in Kilmainham Gaol on May 12th, 1916. Connolly was buried in the cemetery within Arbour Hill military barracks, and his wife and six of his children survived him. James Connolly's vision for Ireland would make the country a very different place to live in today. While all the participants in the Easter Rising shared the goal of Irish independence, each had their own ideas about what kind of Ireland should emerge afterward. If he had survived and lived beyond 1916, possibly becoming Taoiseach, it is fair to say Connolly's Ireland would be more socialist, secular, and worker-led in structure. He had envisioned a workers' republic where industry and land were publicly owned and democratically managed, and was not just simply fighting for Irish independence, but for the Irish working class.
The Independent
a day ago
- The Independent
BBC faces criticism over delay in paying court-ordered damages to Gerry Adams
The BBC has been criticised for not yet having paid court-ordered damages to former Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams. The corporation lost a major defamation case earlier this year after Mr Adams took them to court over a 2016 episode of its Spotlight programme and an accompanying online story. They contained an allegation that Mr Adams sanctioned the killing of former Sinn Fein official Denis Donaldson. Mr Adams denied any involvement. In May, a jury at the High Court in Dublin found in his favour and awarded him 100,000 euros (£84,000) after determining that was the meaning of words included in the programme and article. The BBC, which was found by the jury not to have acted in good faith nor in a fair and reasonable way, was also ordered to pay the former Sinn Fein leader's legal costs. Adam Smyth, director of BBC NI, expressed disappointment in the verdict and said the corporation believes it supplied extensive evidence to the court of the careful editorial process and journalistic diligence applied to the programme and accompanying online article. After the decision, the broadcaster's legal team was granted a stay in the payment of the full award as it took time to consider an appeal, subject to paying half the damages (50,000 euros or £42,000) and 250,000 euros (£210,000) towards solicitors' fees. In June, the BBC confirmed it would not pursue an appeal. However, it is understood that by August 1 the BBC had not paid the damages. Mr Adams previously indicated that he planned to donate what he receives to good causes. He specified that these would include for children in Gaza as well as groups in the Irish language sector and those who are homeless. A source close to Mr Adams told the PA news agency: 'The delay by the BBC is deplorable and it should move speedily towards discharging the order of the court.' A BBC spokesperson said: 'Total costs will be finalised and payable in due course.'
Spectator
a day ago
- Spectator
Jess Phillips: ‘I'm being controlled by aggression and violence'
Jess Phillips begins her interview with Iain Dale at the Edinburgh Fringe with a meandering homage to her hometown, Birmingham, which is still in mourning for Ozzy Osborne. 'Birmingham is like a village. I can link anyone in my family to someone in your family in three steps. Barbara Cartland is from Birmingham. Lawn tennis was invented on the Cartland estate. I grew up around Ozzy Osbourne's first son, Louis. I count them as good friends. My son went to the funeral procession. And Sharon is a lovely, lovely woman.' Phillips makes a promise to her host. She offers to recruit Sharon as part of his All Talk line-up at next year's festival. 'We could do a double header,' she says. Phillips seems to prefer the company of her family and her old social circle to her political allies. After entering parliament, she told her best friend, Amy, that she'd appeared on Question Time. 'Did you win?' said Amy who assumed that Question Time was Mastermind. Phillips jokes about her popularity. 'In Birmingham, I am quite beloved. I'm like Birmingham royalty. But it's a very low bar, isn't it?' Then they get down to politics. Dale asks about Phillips's resignation from the shadow front bench in November 2023 over a motion tabled by the SNP calling for a ceasefire in Gaza. She couldn't support the motion without returning to the back benches which she found agonising. 'I had to stake my life's work on it.' But she faced loud calls from her constituents to support the ceasefire. 'The clamour got considerably strong. And the pressure.' Dale asked her to specify. 'Pressure? What do you mean?' She chooses her words carefully and doesn't mention that her constituency is 45 per cent Muslim (according to the 2021 census.) 'I've always known it mattered greatly to my constituents. Some are of Kashmiri heritage. And there are Irish communities and I'm Irish myself. And both communities understand the idea of annexation. They understand that lines drawn on a map can lead to violence. … The pressure was in no way aggressive,' she adds, 'in no way aggressive.' A moment later, she qualifies this and admits to 'a smattering of aggression.' She explains that passions are likely to run high when controversial issues are aired. She praises the Labour whips who helped her to manage her departure. 'I didn't peacock about it.' And she was rewarded with a return to the front bench when Labour won power last July. Keir Starmer expressed his support for her in public. 'He made a bee-line towards me across a very busy room and gave me a cuddle.' She needed that cuddle. The battle for her seat in 2024 was mired in controversy. 'I've never known a breakdown of democracy like it.' She says that her opponent, 'the independent candidate,' brought in external canvassers. 'From London,' she believes. 'We couldn't advertise where we were going. They were haranguing voters. There were fireworks thrown, tyres slashed and constituents threatened at polling stations. And I have to say they were almost exclusively men.' She told her sons, aged 16 and 20, to keep away from the count. 'I thought, I'm being controlled by aggression and violence.' She won by 693 votes but her opponent asked for a recount. The returning officer refused. 'She was incredibly professional,' says Phillips. 'And absolutely tiny. About five-foot nothing. And she was encircled by men, shouting at her. It made me fucking furious.' After the count, Phillips exchanged a handshake with each of her defeated opponents. 'The independent candidate refused to shake my hand. Petty little idiot.' Jonathan Ashworth had a similar experience in Leicester South where he narrowly lost to the independent, Shockat Adam. Phillips now regrets her decision not to publicise her opponent's tactics for fear of tarnishing the image of her constituency. 'Lots of journalists came and I kept them away. I didn't want the people who live there to look bad.' Dale moves to lighter matters and asks about her experience with civil servants. 'You have to be careful what you say [inside the department.] If you say 'tag all men' someone will draft a paper about it.' On her first day, she was asked if she preferred the stairs or the lift. She chose the stairs and a note was duly entered in an official file. 'Minister likes to use the stairs.' Now she can't enter the building without being ushered away from the lift and towards the stairs. 'But I don't like to use the stairs!' Dale suggests that she might be offered a job at the foreign office. 'I don't think so. And diplomacy needs to change,' she says. 'It should be more about doing down the pub together.' He asks her if she's met Nigel Farage. She hasn't but she praises the Reform member, Nora Kamberi, who stood against her last year. 'Lovely woman.' Encouraged by Dale, she goes off on a tangent about Boris Johnson. 'He's nothing like he is on TV. Nothing like that. He's nervous and awkward, like a shy boy. He wasn't unpleasant or anything but he was like a kid. Kicking his feet.' Phillips briefly stood for the Labour leadership in 2020. Does she still dream of forming her own administration? 'It's a hard job, being prime minister. I wouldn't boss it. I absolutely wouldn't boss it. I think I'd be a basket-case after about 15 minutes. And I'd drink a lot. But it would be entertaining.' Dale asks her to name her favourite Tory MP. 'Simon Hoare,' she says, 'and Priti Patel.' The second name elicits a gasp of horror from the Edinburgh crowd. Phillips explains that Patel was deeply affected by the assassination of David Amess who represented an Essex constituency close to her own. After Amess's death, Patel telephoned Phillips every Sunday evening 'to see if I was all right.' Patel was home secretary at the time. This gesture meant a lot to a safeguarding minister who believes her job should not exist. 'I hate that there's someone with the words 'violence against women and girls' in their title.' Dale ends with the 'Angela Rayner question.' It's a challenge rather than a query. Earlier in the day, Dale tried it with Rachel Reeves by innocently asking her to name the most outstanding member of the Labour cabinet. Reeves stayed loyal to Starmer and nominated the colourless environment secretary, Simon Reed. Dale frames the question differently and asks Phillips if Labour has a successor to Barbara Castle. Phillips spots the trap and steps over it deftly. 'We've had numerous successors,' she says. 'Margaret Beckett, Margaret Hodge, Harriet Harman and Yvette Cooper.'
