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Brazil's president Lula hits back as Trump tariffs threaten US trade showdown

Brazil's president Lula hits back as Trump tariffs threaten US trade showdown

The Guardian4 days ago
Brazil's president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, has said he does not fear getting on the wrong side of Donald Trump, as South America's largest economy braces for the introduction of 50% tariffs on Friday.
Trump announced plans to slap Brazil with tariffs on 1 August earlier this month, partly in retaliation for a supposed political 'witch hunt' against his far-right ally Jair Bolsonaro. The former Brazilian president faces decades in jail for allegedly plotting a military coup to stop Lula from taking office after the former lost the 2022 presidential election.
In a rare interview with the New York Times, clearly designed to send a message to the White House on the eve of a potential trade war, Lula urged the US president to avoid creating a 'lose-lose' relationship between two of the largest economies in the Americas and said he did not fear publicly criticizing Trump, who he recently called an 'emperor'.
'There's no reason to be afraid. I am worried, obviously, because we have economic interests, political interests, technological interests. But at no point will Brazil negotiate as if it were a small country up against a big country. Brazil will negotiate as a sovereign country,' said Lula, who has enjoyed a bounce in the polls after Trump's threat.
Lula indicated his officials were willing to negotiate economic issues with the US: 'In politics between two states, the will of neither should prevail. We always need to find the middle ground. This is achieved not by puffing out your chest and shouting about things you can't deliver, nor by bowing your head and simply saying 'amen' to whatever the United States wants.'
But Brazil's president indicated that the political future of Bolsonaro – whose plot allegedly included plans to assassinate Lula – was a judicial matter and therefore non-negotiable. 'Brazil has a constitution, and the former president is being tried with a full right to a defense,' Lula insisted.
The 79-year-old leftist said his message for Trump was 'that Brazilians and Americans do not deserve to be victims of politics, if the reason President Trump is imposing this tax on Brazil is because of the case against former President Bolsonaro'.
Trump's decision to cite Bolsonaro's plight as one of the main justifications for his move against Brazil has left many observers doubting that the 'Trump Always Chickens Out' (Taco) maxim will apply to the Friday deadline facing Lula's government. The US president has likened Bolsonaro's 'disgraceful' treatment to attempts to prosecute him after he unsuccessfully tried to overturn the result of the 2020 presidential election. Bolsonaro has denied plotting a coup but has admitted seeking 'alternative ways' of stopping Lula taking power.
'I'd be very surprised if Trump pulled back in this case, not just because of his friendship with the Bolsonaro family … but above all because in Trump's mind it reflects his own trauma,' the American Brazil specialist Brian Winter told the Estado de São Paulo newspaper this week.
Lula hinted he believed a retreat might be possible, comparing the current situation to unfounded fears over the millennium bug. 'Do you remember when we were about to turn from 1999 to 2000, and there was worldwide panic that the computer systems were going to crash? Nothing happened,' said Lula, although he admitted he could not be certain 'nothing will happen.'
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‘Our north is the south': Softball leagues flourish in Brazilian city as Cuban arrivals outnumber Venezuelans for first time
‘Our north is the south': Softball leagues flourish in Brazilian city as Cuban arrivals outnumber Venezuelans for first time

The Guardian

timean hour ago

  • The Guardian

‘Our north is the south': Softball leagues flourish in Brazilian city as Cuban arrivals outnumber Venezuelans for first time

If he had been able to choose, Roberto Hernandez Tello, 59, would have gone to the United States last May, when he left Cuba in search of a better life. However, due to Donald Trump's anti-immigration policies, he ended up in Curitiba, in southern Brazil, 3,940 miles from his native Camagüey. Thousands of his compatriots have arrived in Brazil this year, contributing to a shift in which, for the first time, more Cubans than Venezuelans are applying for asylum in Latin America's largest country. 'I love Cuba, but with the crisis it's impossible to live there now,' said Tello. 'I have a 31-year-old son who lives in the US. But since Trump scrapped the parole, I chose to come to Brazil,' he added, referring to the US president's elimination of the humanitarian programme known as CHNV, which had benefited migrants from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela. For years, Venezuela's political and economic crises has driven people out of the country, creating a global diaspora of nearly 8 million. However, as of June this year, Brazil has had twice as many asylum requests from Cubans, 19,419, compared with Venezuelans, 9,850. Cubans typically travel to Guyana or Suriname, countries with less bureaucratic visa processes, before crossing the land border into the northern Brazilian states of Roraima and Amapá. But many are continuing their journey way down south, particularly to Curitiba – a city home to 1.8 million and the capital of Paraná state – which ranks just behind the northern entry-point towns in Cuban asylum requests. The city has the highest GDP of the southern state capitals and is known for its strong public transportation, healthcare and education systems. There are so many Cubans and Venezuelans in Curitiba that they've formed two leagues of softball, a sport virtually unknown in football-obsessed Brazil. About 350 players, split across 16 teams, play the larger-ball, compact version of baseball on makeshift pitches of two parks in São José dos Pinhais, just outside Curitiba. The catcher of one team, Ernesto Alberto Keiser Limonta, 30, arrived last year. He lives with his wife and is now focused on bringing the rest of the family to join them. 'I chose Curitiba because I was told it's a prosperous, safe city that has a lot of work,' he said. Almost every Sunday, Limonta takes to the field in full uniform – cap, jersey bearing the flags of Cuba and Brazil, trousers, socks, and cleats without metal studs, to avoid injuries that could prevent someone from working the next day. Given that the heavy influx of Venezuelans began earlier, they make up most of the players, but the roughly 20 Cubans have managed to form a dedicated Team Cuba. 'There's a saying among migrants – and now it's being repeated by Cubans – that our north is the south,' said one Venezuelan, Angel Blanco, 44, who founded one of the leagues. The movement began last year when – according to the UN Refugee Agency – Brazil became the country with the highest number of Cubans applying for asylum (22,288 applications), ahead of Mexico (17,884) and the US (13,685). The figures could be even higher, as many Cubans struggle even to submit their requests. Tello, for instance, has been seeking help from the humanitarian NGO José as he still has not been able to book an appointment with the federal police to formally register his request. Only with the protocol, which also serves as an ID, can migrants be officially hired by Brazilian employers. Appointments must be booked online, and the next available slot wasn't until November, Tello said. 'I'm afraid I'll run out of money – and if I do, I'll end up sleeping on the streets. In this cold, I'd be dead within days,' he added, referring to the city's climate, where temperatures can drop to 5C. A federal police spokesperson said the gap was 'due to high and growing demand' and that 'ongoing efforts to expand capacity have not been enough to keep pace with the exponential number of migrants arriving in the region.' Yaneth Corina Lara Garcia, a Venezuelan who works as an integration assistant at the non-profit organisation Cáritas Curitiba, said: 'It's six months in which, unable to get formal work, Cuban migrants end up vulnerable to exploitation – including modern slavery.' Another common challenge for Cubans is having their university degrees recognised, which forces many into lower-paid jobs, such as construction or cooking. Yarismeli Nardo, 36, a psychologist who has lived in Curitiba since 2019, is one of the few to have had her degree recognised. But it wasn't easy, she says. The Federal University of Paraná opens just one application round per year, requiring a lengthy list of documents – often difficult to obtain in Cuba – as well as exams and interviews. However, she persisted, and while working as a pharmacy sales assistant, Nardo completed the process. She now spends two days a week working as a psychologist at a clinic and the rest as an IT technician. Now, six years after she left, Nardo is planning her first holiday back to Cuba. 'I want to save a little money, because my biggest wish is to see my grandmother, who's 94,' she said. 'When I first came here, I felt as if I was nobody – starting from scratch, where no one knew me. Now I feel as if I'm finally catching my breath.'

Donald Trump – peacemaker-in-chief or a global agitator?
Donald Trump – peacemaker-in-chief or a global agitator?

The National

timean hour ago

  • The National

Donald Trump – peacemaker-in-chief or a global agitator?

Serving both Republican and Democratic administrations, including under the presidencies of George W Bush and Bill Clinton, Ross for decades was one of those tasked with navigating the most dangerous of diplomatic waters. It was interesting then to hear him opine last week on current US president Donald Trump's diplomatic negotiating style. 'There is a difference between producing ceasefires and pauses and ending wars,' noted Ross, speaking to the Wall Street Journal (WSJ). 'The former stops fighting, the latter deals with the causes of the conflict and forges agreements that resolve the differences – or at least gets both sides to adjust their thinking and produces a modus vivendi.' READ MORE: John Swinney brands Gaza as 'genocide' for first time as Fringe show disrupted Ross's comments came in a week that saw Trump issue a deadline of '10 or 12 days' to Russian president Vladimir Putin to agree to a ceasefire over Ukraine. This weekend, that agreement seems further away than ever after Trump said he had ordered two nuclear submarines to 'be positioned in the appropriate regions' in response to 'highly provocative' comments by former Russian president Dmitry Medvedev. Ross's remarks also came in a week when Washington's allies, France, the UK and Canada, broke with Trump to force a diplomatic shift on Gaza. For despite the US leader's boastful promises on bringing calm to the region – as with his claim to be able to bring peace to Russia's war with Ukraine within 24 hours of returning to office – all of Trump's peace-making promises to date have been colliding with a more complicated reality on the ground. Ukraine In short, Trump's supposed prowess on the peace-making front is not all it's cracked up to be, a point wryly made by Susan B Glasser of the New Yorker magazine a few days ago. 'Wars, it turns out, do not end magically because Trump clicks his heels and demands that they do so,' wrote Glasser in a recent column. As even the most cursory of glances across the global geo-political landscape will quickly confirm, the prevailing reality is a far cry from when Trump, in his January 20, 2025 inaugural address, proclaimed that 'we will measure our success … by the wars we end'. And 'my proudest legacy will be that of a peacemaker.' Despite the obvious shortcomings to date in this regard, though, America's peacemaker-in-chief – in characteristic mode – has continued to claim great success, a point he was keen to emphasise during his recent trip to Scotland. 'We have many ceasefires going on. If I weren't around, you would have six major wars going on. India would be fighting with Pakistan,' Trump insisted in one of his speeches. As Trump sees it, should that much-coveted Nobel Peace Prize come his way, then he is only too deserving of it. 'If I were named Obama, I would have had the Nobel Prize given to me in 10 seconds,' Trump said in October. Trump's ever-loyal mouthpiece, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt, never misses an opportunity to remind the world that it's 'well past time' that the president received the prize. Just these past days, Leavitt, at a press briefing, listed the peace deals that the Trump administration has supposedly brokered since taking office. Thailand and Cambodia were the most recent of Trump's peacemaker bona fides. 'The two countries were engaged in a deadly conflict that had displaced more than 300,000 people until President Trump stepped in to put an end to it,' Leavitt insisted. Other conflicts cited by Leavitt included Israel and Iran, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), India and Pakistan, and Serbia and Kosovo – all claimed to have been 'resolved' on Trump's watch. One curious outcome in at least two instances, however, was that in the cases of both Pakistan and Cambodia, no sooner were hostilities ceased than their leaders announced that they would nominate Trump for the Peace Prize. Interestingly, too, in Thailand and Cambodia's case, Trump set a 19% levy on imports from both countries, lower than the 36% they originally faced, after earlier this month he threatened to block trade deals with them unless they ended their deadly border clash. Which brings us to another significant factor that many say undermines Trump's claims to be a peacemaker and mediator and instead casts him as a global agitator – trade wars and tariffs. Last week, Trump plunged the global economy into a new round of mercantile competition after hitting dozens of US trading partners with tariffs while formalising recent deals with others, including the UK and EU. While such competition is nothing new in itself, as a Financial Times (FT) editorial on Friday pointed out, in Trump's case, they are often flagrantly politically motivated. On the one hand, Trump portrays the tariffs he has ordered on US trading partners as a simple rebalancing of global trading that is skewed against America. But as the FT points out, 'what is striking, however, is how some of the harshest new measures reflect blatantly political aims – shaped by presidential whim'. The newspaper cites the example of Canada, which has angered Trump with its own plans to recognise a Palestinian state, making it 'very hard', says Trump, to reach a trade deal. The FT also highlights India, already hit by a high tariff rate but which Washington has threatened with an additional penalty while rebuking prime minister Narendra Modi's government for 'buying Russian oil and weapons'. Trump's stance, says the FT, also appears to reflect his dislike of India's membership of the Brics bloc of emerging heavyweight markets and developing nations. During a summit of the 11 emerging economies last month, he threatened an additional 10% tariff on any countries aligning themselves with the Brics's 'anti-American policies'. More than 100 days on from Trump's 'Liberation Day' set of initial tariffs, many say a new global trading order is taking shape, one that The Economist magazine recently referred to as 'a system of imperial preference'. This, argue some analysts, only adds incendiary economic fuel to an already destabilised world, raising the risk that such trade wars might become shooting wars. Allison Carnegie is professor of political science at Columbia University and specialises in global governance and international institutions. Writing recently in the widely respected Foreign Affairs magazine, she said that Trump's trade wars are hardly without precedent and that while 'Trump may think his tariff regime will make the United States richer, safer, and stronger … history suggests it will do just the opposite'. 'In the near term, countries can benefit from wielding trade as a cudgel. But in the long term, trade wars leave almost everyone worse off,' Carnegie notes. 'When countries frequently use economic leverage to secure concessions from vulnerable partners, investment and economic growth go down. Political instability, meanwhile, goes up. States that chafe at economic coercion sometimes turn to their militaries in order to fight back. Countries that once co-operated because of commercial ties turn into competitors. Even close allies drift apart,' Carnegie noted. Few doubt the inherent difficulty in ending protracted conflicts like those in the Middle East and now in Ukraine. Both broke out during the previous administration, enabling Trump to dub them 'Biden's wars'. 'Biden will drive us into World War III, and we're closer to World War III than anybody can imagine,' said the same Trump who on Friday moved US nuclear submarines in response to a social media post by Medvedev. On his presidential campaign trail, Trump often railed against Biden and such 'endless wars' and 'forever wars' and mused that he could resolve them. 'He has made comments on all of them that this could be done quickly or easily and that there are solutions to these problems,' says Aaron David Miller, a State Department diplomat in the Clinton and George W Bush administrations – now at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. 'And yet, he has not been successful in even identifying what I would consider to be a potentially effective strategy for managing, let alone resolving them. And therein lies the challenge,' Miller told broadcaster ABC News in a recent interview. Six months after Trump's inaugural address proclaiming that his presidency would bring 'a new spirit of unity to a world that has been angry, violent and totally unpredictable', and denouncing 'Biden's wars', the data tells a very different story. For in those six months, Trump has already launched nearly as many airstrikes on foreign nations as Biden did within four years. A huge part of this, of course, was 'Operation Midnight Hammer', when Trump decided that he would order the use of 30,000-pound weapons against Iran's nuclear sites. According to Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED), an independent international data collection monitoring group, since Trump returned to the White House, the US has carried out at least 529 bombings in more than 240 locations in Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia. His predecessor's administration launched 555 over its entire four years. 'Trump's preference for engagement begs the question: Does this contradict his promise to end America's wars – or are the foreign strikes how he wishes to keep that promise?' ACLED president Clionadh Raleigh said in a statement cited by The Independent last month. 'The recent airstrikes on Iran's nuclear sites have been framed as a major turning point in US foreign policy. But if you take a step back, they don't stand out – they fit,' Raleigh added. Right now, when not riling other nations through his own tariffs and trade wars, ending the fighting in Ukraine and Gaza by far poses Trump's biggest diplomatic challenge. In both cases, he has his work cut out, not least, say some, in that he has appointed the same man, his friend Steve Witkoff, as the US envoy for all three sets of peace talks, involving Ukraine-Russia, Israel-Hamas and Israel-Iran. As Max Boot recently observed in The Washington Post, this 'would test the powers of even a veteran diplomat' … and 'the task is all the more onerous given that Witkoff is a real-estate developer with no background in diplomacy'. Meanwhile, as Gaza bleeds and starves, Trump diplomatically muddles through, as was poignantly described recently by Glasser of The New Yorker. 'In a summer of horror for Gaza, it's hard to recall the unfulfilled promises of last winter, when Trump bragged, in near world-historical terms, of the 'EPIC' ceasefire that he and his team had helped broker,' wrote Glasser recently. 'Now, as Trump stands by and does close to nothing at all, what can we do but wish that he had, for once, been right?' Many critics maintain that a huge part of the problem with Trump's negotiating style is that it fluctuates depending on the current state of his personal relationships with other world leaders. As his second term progresses, Trump's priorities would seem to become more apparent by the day, startling observers and US allies alike. Already there have been calls for US intervention in Panama, Canada and as recently as May, Trump announced that he didn't rule out employing military force to seize Greenland. He has also proposed a $1 trillion US military budget for 2026 – a 13.4 % increase – and again took action to withdraw US support from the UN. Critics continue to accuse him of shaping American foreign policy determined primarily by a desire to pursue his own vendettas toward those that rebuff him and in doing so use whatever means – economic or otherwise – at his disposal. As Ross rightly pointed out, there is indeed 'a difference between producing ceasefires and pauses and ending wars'. To achieve the latter, patience and lengthy negotiations are a prerequisite, and that, as we all know by now, has never been part of the Trump playbook.

Pardons, positions and power: Trump's donor list raises questions about pay-for-access in his administration
Pardons, positions and power: Trump's donor list raises questions about pay-for-access in his administration

The Independent

time3 hours ago

  • The Independent

Pardons, positions and power: Trump's donor list raises questions about pay-for-access in his administration

A new financial disclosure from a super PAC supporting President Donald Trump contains the name of the deep-pocket donors who have gained access to the White House. MAGA Inc.'s donor list includes Trump appointees, a mom who managed to get Trump to pardon her son, and cryptocurrency traders, according to a new report by the New York Times. The super PAC managed to pull some major donations for the president; according to the disclosure, MAGA Inc. raised more than $177 million for Trump since January. Some names on the list wound up working for Trump in his administration. Anjani Sinha, a friend of Trump's, was nominated to be the ambassador to Singapore. He donated $1 million to MAGA Inc. He hasn't been approved for the position yet, possibly because he struggled to answer questions about Singapore during his confirmation hearing. Cody Campbell, who is now on Trump's Council on Sports, Fitness, and Nutrition, donated half a million dollars to the super PAC. Josh Lobel, now sitting on Trump's Intelligence Advisory Board, donated $250,000. Several major donors are tied to the crypto industry, which has by and large found a friendly ally in Trump. According to the Times, Trump's inaugural committee raised an enormous $239 million, with approximately $18 million of that coming from crypto-related donors. According to the filing, donors working in cryptocurrencies accounted for $45 million of the donations reported through MAGA Inc. One donor alone — crypto entrepreneur Eric Schiermeyer — donated $1 million, and was given the chance to have dinner with Trump in Mar-a-Lago in March. The pair didn't just eat and chat — during the dinner, Schiermeyer apparently pitched Trump on an idea for a cryptocurrency called the "USA Token" that would be doled out to Americans for use in transactions. He reportedly wanted a government contract for his company to handle the task, according to the Times ' reporting. He told the paper that he managed to get his idea in front of Trump face-to-face, so he considers it a win. 'I was able to say my piece, and the idea is clearly making the rounds, so mission accomplished from my view.' he told the Times. And then there's Elizabeth Fago, who handed over $1 million to MAGA Inc. and got herself a dinner with Trump. Three weeks later, her son, Paul Walczak, who pleaded guilty to tax fraud, was pardoned. A White House spokesperson who talked to the Times anonymously said that Fago's words, rather than her cash, convinced the president to give her son a break. 'He spoke directly to a mother who pleaded for her son, and when you're talking to a mother pleading for her son, that's a pretty powerful thing,' the source reportedly said. The Independent has requested comment from The White House. According to MAGA Inc., all of the apparent benefits that come along with shoveling money at Trump are just a coincidence. It told the Times that Trump doesn't treat donors any different from normal Americans. 'President Trump values his supporters and donors, but unlike politicians before him, he cannot be bought and works toward the best interest of the country,' it told the paper.

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