logo
From the memoir: Gopalkrishna Gandhi was three when his grandfather Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated

From the memoir: Gopalkrishna Gandhi was three when his grandfather Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated

Scroll.in24-04-2025

Margaret Bourke-White was invited to dinner by Nehru on 17 January 1948. Expecting a prime minister's dinner to be a formal affair, she managed, after a long day at work, to change into an evening dress and get to the prime minister's house on time. The atmosphere – totally informal – was stark, almost, and the menu was plain macaroni. But it was a most relaxing evening with a surprise reserved for the end. Rising from the table, Nehru said this was going to be his last meal for a while since he, too, had decided with several others, he said, to fast along with Gandhi.
But the next day, Day Six, brought relief. Over 100 representatives of different communities called on Gandhi greatly weakened by his fast. They included a representative each of the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS. 'We shall protect the life, property and faith of the Moslems and (undertake to see) that the incidents that have taken place in Delhi will not happen again,' they pledged. After prayers were recited, Gandhi accepted a glass of orange juice from Maulana Azad. The relief was palpable, with Nehru's being the greatest. On learning, after Nehru had left his side, that the prime minister had also fasted with him, a deeply moved Gandhi sent him a note saying, 'Now end your fast… Live for many long years as Hind's Jawahar.' The note was in Hindi, with 'many long years' written as bahut with the u in it elongated – most probably a writing error, but the bahut spoken as it was written by him – bahuut – gave the benediction a voltage of its own.
The funds due to Pakistan, it need hardly be said, were released.
Taru, then all of thirteen, was in Birla House one day that January, when a slight drizzle prevented Bapuji from stepping out for his walk. He decided to pace inside one of the larger rooms of Birla House, instead. She joined her grandfather and, as he walked, summoned up the courage to ask him something that had long been her wish to ask (in Hindi, of course): 'Bapuji, what do you think the future holds for me?' This was in its soul, very similar to the questions in the famous 'Que sera sera' song Doris Day was to make famous in the 1956 film The Man Who Knew Too Much:
When I was just a little girl
I asked my mother, what will I be
Will I be pretty? Will I be rich?
Here's what she said to me....
Bapuji was at that time besieged by issues of existential import for him and for the country, and getting a query like this one was not designed to help him. But no. He fell silent for a while and then, with great seriousness, without vague platitudes or irritated brevity, said, precisely, purposefully in Hindi (some original expressions in Hindustani italicised with meanings given in brackets), 'Your father has very high armaan (aspirations) for you. He would like you to study diligently and put your studying to good account. Your father will help you go around and see the desh, videsh (country and the world). You will go around the world. And after you have done that, come back and take up a calling that seems you to be sahi (right). And make your mother Lakshmi your adarsh (ideal).' There was no sanctimonious talk about marriage or raising a family. Nothing about 'being a good girl'. Only a carefully wrought, carefully thought-out sketch of optimism and responsibility about her future. Somewhere hidden in that was, of course, a 'the future's not ours to see' idea, but overlaying that, there was a clear aspiration for the granddaughter but – and this is what made it so special – pointedly expressed as her father's not her grandfather's vision for her.
Right at this moment of catharsis, a group of people was silently, diligently, and methodically planning to kill Gandhi. The men fumbled on details along the way, but finally put together a plan to carry out their intent, with chilling efficiency. A non-lethal bomb was planted at the venue of the prayer meeting on 20 January to be set off at an appointed moment by Madanlal Pahwa (1927–2000), a young refugee from West Punjab. The scheme was that as the bomb went off, there would be some panic, during which two of his associates from Maharashtra, would fire at Gandhi from behind a trellis. But the scheme misfired as Gandhi controlled the crowd's nerves at once with simple, direct words, asking for composure. And by asking Manu to start singing the Ramdhun, which she did. While the bomb-planter was apprehended, the would-be assassins fled.
All India Radio, which was now recording all of Gandhi's prayer meeting speeches, recorded this one too. We used to have a gramophone record player with its snakelike needle-hold that had a spring which needed to be cranked into playing each time the record gave over. Many years later, I would play the 78-rpm gramophone record of this over and over again, to hear Bapuji speaking to the congregation in his soft, coaxing voice, interrupted by the sudden dull but clear thud of the bomb leading to an immediate cawing of agitated crows, and sounds of human voices in the melee and then Bapuji saying, with a pained laugh, 'Kuchh nahin hua hai…shant ho jayiye… (Nothing has happened…please…observe silence…)'
That 'kuchh nahin' (nothing) was to happen as 'something else' ten days later.
'Hai bahar-e-bagh duniya chand roz
Dekh lo iska tamasha chand roz'
The 79-year-old repeated Nazeer's Urdu lines in what his secretary Pyarelal describes as 'a tone of infinite sadness'. This was on 29 January 1948.
It is appalling that no one, not Mountbatten, not Nehru, not Patel, not Rajaji, thought of telling each other that it is a good thing the 'bomb' was not serious, an even better thing that the bomber has been caught, but now that he has been, they must get to the bottom of the murky business. Was the man acting alone? Did he have fellow conspirators? Maybe there was a deep conspiracy; maybe this was a dry-run (as it indeed was). Now let us, they should have said, leave nothing to chance. But no. No one thought on these lines. They were great and astute administrators. But in the matter of Gandhi's personal security, they were totally naive.
30 January 1948 was just another wintry day in Delhi. Our household stirred slowly to life that morning, with Taru going to her 'Girls Only' school, St Thomas in her white and green uniform but custom-made by permission of the school for the Gandhi family, in khadi, not the 'mill' yardage that other girls got theirs tailored in. She was driven to school by our driver, Pan Singh, a distinct advantage, for that enabled her to have a few extra minutes at home to get groomed, the combing down and plaiting of long tresses being no small chore. Likewise, Mohan and Ramu got into their uniform, stitched by Modern School's special leave, in blue khadi, and ambled off to their school, a 15-minute walk away, on the leafy Barakhamba Road. They just had enough time to reach school in time for the morning assembly held in the gymnasium, with all students taking off their shoes outside, squatting four-legged on rugs, their stockinged feet stinking to the roof. The teachers, led by the dashing Principal MN Kapur (1910–94) and the reflective Awadh Kishoreji, were on the stage.
While Pan Singh drove Taru home as usual in the afternoon, Mohan and Ramu tarried in school because of a sporting event.
In Birla House, moving to the prayer ground faster than he usually did, for he had been delayed by a conversation with Sardar Patel, 'I hate being late,' Gandhi said to Manu and Abha in Gujarati as they reached the prayer ground. That was his last full spoken sentence.
A jostle and the rosary and prayer book Manu was carrying had fallen as a man who pushed his way into their path gave the girl a heave.
Without a doubt, Gandhi observed this. He was hypertensive, and at that moment, his blood pressure must have spiked. Anyone's would have, seeing a girl from the family being rough-handled by some random man. And I can imagine him saying to the intruder, had he been allowed the chance, 'Kya kar rahe ho…? Yah bhi koyi tariqa hai? (What are you doing? Is this the way to behave…?)'
But he was not given that chance. For the next second, he was absorbed in the Ram that he longed to be one with. Abha, his grand-niece-in-law, a daughter of Bengal, cradled the sinking head in her lap, with Ram's name on his lips.
He had become, as Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay was to write, an icchhamarani, one who meets the end he has wished for.
Taru was minding her two-and-a-half-year-old brother, me, when a scurry of activity, more scurried than the usual, saw her parents rush out, leaving her, bewildered, to continue minding me. A few minutes later, someone ran into the house saying, 'Come, come, you have to go to Birla House…There is a car waiting for you…Bapuji has been…' Grabbing me, in a few seconds of incoherent reflex actions later, she was down the flight of stairs and into the car, which sped like lightning to where her parents had gone. The gates of Birla House had been shut tight to keep out a large crowd that had already gathered there. Sentries stood on duty. 'Hame andar jaane dijiye (allow us to go in)', she told them, clutching me to her chest. The men, at first, refused. 'Mein Bapuji ki poti hun (I am Bapuji's granddaughter)', she remonstrated. This had to and did work. Our parents were there, already, in the room where Bapuji had been laid on the floor. Puzzled and completely uncomprehending, I was deposited by Tara on my mother's lap.
Henri Cartier-Bresson, who had managed to access the room with his magical camera, has captured the scene in a hazy photograph snatched from the moment of shock, grief, and stunned prayer, for no one knew what. India, perhaps.
Seeing the stir and hum of words floating in the air, I said, in a repeat of my old mimicry of Bapuji: 'Sab shant ho jayiye…adding, for good measure, Bapuji so rahe hein… (Bapuji is sleeping…)' precipitating a renewed bout of muffled sobbing by those around me.
I, of course, remember nothing of all this. Family lore's stock of remembered 'footage' tells me this is what I said.
Devadas, crying like the child that he was to the man slain, kept saying, 'Wake up, wake up, please, Bapu, wake up.' Patel, in disbelief, thought he could feel a pulse on the lifeless arm until doctors told him with a grave shaking of their heads that he was wrong. It was all over. He sat, wordless, crushed. And looking, as Manu was to say later, suddenly, very, very old. Jawaharlal, the political heir to the assassinated Father of the Nation, broke down. But he was not going to forget his duties as prime minister. He went to the gates of the house and, standing on top of them, announced, for the first time, to the throng outside, including the press, that Bapu was no more.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Bharat Mata row: CPI hits out at Raj Bhavan, to hoist Tricolour in protest
Bharat Mata row: CPI hits out at Raj Bhavan, to hoist Tricolour in protest

New Indian Express

timean hour ago

  • New Indian Express

Bharat Mata row: CPI hits out at Raj Bhavan, to hoist Tricolour in protest

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: Coming out against the Raj Bhavan over the Bharat Mata row, CPI state secretary Binoy Viswam on Friday said all branches of the party will hoist the national flag and plant saplings on Saturday to underscore the message that Bharat Mata is truly represented by the Tricolour. He said the saplings will be nurtured by the party branches as symbols of national unity. 'The events that unfolded in the past 48 hours in the Raj Bhavan, culminating in the sanctification of an image associated with the RSS in the official residence of the constitutional authority, cannot be condoned by anyone who celebrates the idea of India and honours the Constitution in letter and spirit,' Binoy said. Elaborating on the circumstances that led to the controversy, he said on World Environment Day on June 5, the agriculture department headed by Minister P Prasad decided to distribute and plant saplings with the participation of the honourable Governor at the Raj Bhavan. 'On June 4, the minister's office received a 'revised' schedule of programme in which 'prayer' was replaced with 'lighting of the lamp' and paying 'floral tributes to Bharatamba' (image of Bharat Mata allegedly used by the RSS at its functions),' he said. Binoy said Prasad called the official in charge at Raj Bhavan and enquired about the changes. 'He was told floral offerings would be made to a portrait of Bharatamba. The minister said details of the portrait should be shared as it is a government event and unprecedented changes, for both the government and Raj Bhavan, are now being incorporated,' he said.

Rahul Gandhi claims Maharashtra polls were ‘blueprint for rigged democracy', BJP hit back
Rahul Gandhi claims Maharashtra polls were ‘blueprint for rigged democracy', BJP hit back

Hindustan Times

timean hour ago

  • Hindustan Times

Rahul Gandhi claims Maharashtra polls were ‘blueprint for rigged democracy', BJP hit back

Rahul Gandhi on Saturday claimed that the Maharashtra assembly election held last year had been 'rigged' and alleged that the same would be repeated in the upcoming Bihar assembly polls. In a post on X, the leader of opposition in Lok Sabha, shared his own article published in a newspaper and said, 'How to steal an election? Maharashtra assembly elections in 2024 were a blueprint for rigging democracy. My article shows how this happened, step by step.' Also Read: Right to freedom of speech does not extend to defamatory statements against Indian Army: HC dismisses Rahul Gandhi's plea He elaborated, 'Step 1: Rig the panel for appointing the Election Commission, Step 2: Add fake voters to the roll, Step 3: Inflate voter turnout, Step 4: Target the bogus voting exactly where BJP needs to win, Step 5: Hide the evidence.' Gandhi added, 'It's not hard to see why the BJP was so desperate in Maharashtra. But rigging is like match-fixing - the side that cheats might win the game, but damages institutions and destroy public faith in the result.' He also urged all concerned Indian citizens to demand answers and judge the situation for themselves while evaluating the evidence. Also Read: What Shashi Tharoor said when asked about Rahul Gandhi's 'Narender-Surrender' remark on PM Modi Gandhi claimed, 'The match-fixing of Maharashtra will come to Bihar next, and then anywhere the BJP is losing. Match-fixed elections are a poison for any democracy.' The 2024 Maharashtra assembly polls witnessed the decisive victory of the BJP-led Mahayuti alliance with 235 seats, while the Congress-led Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) suffered a major setback. Also Read: 'Naam Narender, kaam surrender': Congress takes fresh jibe at PM Modi The Election Commission of India (ECI) had earlier responded to allegations of a rigged election concerned with voter turnout data. They had also clarified misconceptions regarding the deletion of certain voters from the list. "Rahul Gandhi is back to his disgraceful antics of demonising the country's institutions. These issues have been repeatedly addressed by the EC in absolute detail," said the BJP's Tuhin Sinha in response to the allegations as quoted by NDTV.

Maharashtra Assembly polls in 2024 were blueprint for rigging democracy: Rahul Gandhi
Maharashtra Assembly polls in 2024 were blueprint for rigging democracy: Rahul Gandhi

Time of India

time2 hours ago

  • Time of India

Maharashtra Assembly polls in 2024 were blueprint for rigging democracy: Rahul Gandhi

The Leader of the Opposition (LoP) in Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, on Saturday, alleged that the Maharashtra assembly election held in November 2024 was "rigged", and claimed that the same will be repeated in Bihar assembly polls due later this year. In a post on X, Gandhi shared his article published in a newspaper, explaining the "rigging" in the Maharashtra assembly polls. "Maharashtra assembly elections in 2024 were a blueprint for rigging democracy. My article shows how this happened, step by step," Gandhi said on X. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like B. Tech. Engineering Technology For Working Professionals. BITS Pilani WILP Apply Now Undo The former Congress President explained a five-point process. He said that step one includes rigging the panel that appoints the Election Commission, followed by adding fake voters to the electoral roll. He further claimed that the next steps include inflating the voter turnout, targeting the bogus voting exactly where the BJP needs to win and hiding the evidence. Live Events "Step 1: Rig the panel for appointing the Election Commission; Step 2: Add fake voters to the roll; Step 3: Inflate voter turnout; Step 4: Target the bogus voting exactly where BJP needs to win; Step 5: Hide the evidence," Gandhi said. He further labelled rigging as "match-fixing", saying that the side cheats might win the game but damage institutions and destroy public faith in the result. "It's not hard to see why the BJP was so desperate in Maharashtra. But rigging is like match-fixing - the side that cheats might win the game but will damage institutions and destroy public faith in the result. All concerned Indians must see the evidence. Judge for themselves. Demand answers," the Rae Bareli MP said. Gandhi warned that the "match-fixing" of Maharashtra would come to Bihar next, where the polls are due later this year, and then "anywhere" the BJP was losing elections. "Match-fixed elections are a poison for any democracy," he added. The Maharashtra Assembly Election 2024 witnessed a decisive victory for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Mahayuti alliance, securing a landslide win with 235 seats. The results marked a significant milestone for the BJP, which emerged as the single-largest party with 132 seats. The Shiv Sena and Nationalist Congress Party, part of the Mahayuti alliance, also made notable gains, with 57 and 41 seats, respectively. The Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) suffered a major setback with Congress winning just 16 seats. Its alliance partner, Shiv Sena (UBT), won 20 seats, while the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) secured only 10 seats. The Election Commission of India (ECI) has earlier cleared misconceptions on voter turnout amidst concerns raised by the Congress party after the Maharashtra Assembly elections. In its detailed response to the Congress party, the apex poll body explained the process behind the aggregation of voter turnout data during the election. In a letter to the Congress Party, the ECI had explained how an increase in voter turnout from 5 pm to 11:45 pm is normal as part of the process of aggregation of voter turnout and how there can be fide but inconsequential differences in Votes polled and Votes Counted data. The poll body categorically affirmed that it is impossible to change actual voter turnout, as statutory Form 17C giving details of voter turnout is available with authorised agents of candidates at the time of close of poll at the polling station itself. On the allegation of arbitrary additions or deletions of voters, ECI had said that there were no arbitrary additions or deletions in Maharashtra.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store