Bihar: As Politicians Shout For Votes, Homeless Cry In Silence - Over 50 Houses Lost To Ganga In 7 Days
The Ganga has turned dangerously fierce across the state, breaching danger marks from Buxar to Bhagalpur. Meanwhile, all 108 gates of the Farakka Barrage opened and embankments under pressure, ten districts face an imminent flood threat.
Due to the rising floodwaters from the Ganga, villagers are facing heavy losses. In Jawaniya village under Damodarpur Panchayat in Shahpur block of Bhojpur district, the situation is alarming as people are becoming homeless. The Ganga River continues to erode land, swallowing homes and temples.
According to a report by the Times of India, approximately 50 houses have been swallowed by the river in the past seven days. In response to the heavy losses, the Bhojpur district administration has provided Rs 1.20 lakh each to 59 flood-affected people whose houses were lost to the river Ganga last year.
People Reaction
In Bhagalpur's Masadhun village, the floods have created a severe social crisis. With many homes swallowed by the Ganga, families are being torn apart.
'My brother Prashant's wife left him and their four-year-old daughter after our house was washed away. Now, the child is being raised by her grandmother while Prashant works at a brick kiln to support the family,' Rakesh Mandal, local resident, said.
Bihar Political Situation
The state is gearing up for the Assembly elections, scheduled to take place later this year. All political parties are making promises and offering freebies to woo voters. The ruling Nitish Kumar government has increased the pension amount for women and raised the reservation for women in state jobs to 35 per cent.
In view of the upcoming elections, the Election Commission of India (ECI) has announced the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. However, the opposition is staging protests against it.
Flood is not new to Bihar. Almost every year, during the monsoon, floods strike like a tragedy, washing away every ounce of happiness. Especially in the Koshi region of the state, villagers face a heavy loss due to floods every year.
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Time of India
2 hours ago
- Time of India
'Simply making false claims': BJP MP Manan Kumar Mishra slams Rahul Gandhi over ECI vote theft claim
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Hindustan Times
2 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Bihar SIR: Key takeaways from draft electoral roll after ECI's revision
New Delhi : The Election Commission of India (ECI) released the draft electoral roll for Bihar after its Special Intensive Revision (SIR) on Friday. The draft electoral roll, according to HT's calculations on data sourced from ECI, has 72.4 million electors. This number is the same as what was released by ECI on July 27 (no detailed break-up was given then) and 4.9 million or 6.3% less than the number of electors in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the latest period for which we have elector count for the state. A painter paints a wall to create awareness among voters ahead of the Bihar Assembly elections 2025 at the state election department premises, in Patna on Friday.(ANI) To be sure, an ECI press release issued on Friday says that there can still be additions and deletions to this draft roll and the final count before the assembly elections could vary. Moreover, ECI's own status report on the exercise published on August 1 made these comparisons with respect to the draft roll published on June 24, when there were 78.9 million electors in the state. However, since this number was not disaggregated beyond district level, HT has used the 2024 Lok Sabha numbers for the analysis of the numbers released on Friday to do an assembly constituency (AC) level analysis. Here is what the numbers suggest. There is a wide variation in AC-wise change in number of electors Bihar has 243 ACs across 38 districts. The AC with the highest deletion between the 2024 elector count and the SIR draft roll is Gopalganj which has seen 62,269 or 18% of its electors deleted. The AC with the lowest deletion is Dhaka in Purvi Champaran district, which has seen just 2,083 or 0.63% of its electors deleted. At the district-level, Gopalganj has seen the highest deletion while Sheikhpura has seen the lowest deletion in percentage terms. In absolute terms, it is Patna and Sheikhpura which have seen the highest and lowest number of deletions. Absolute changes in the number of electors is misleading because it can be higher for a district with more electors. Patna district has the highest number of electors in the state. To be sure, a lot of districts show a large variation in change in voter count across ACs. (See map) If one were to classify Bihar's 243 ACs into 203 General, 38 Scheduled Caste (SC) reserved and two Scheduled Tribe (ST) reserve ACs, the aggregate deletion in these groups is 6.4%, 5.9% and 5%. Is the change in voter count a result of deletion of migrant voters? Bihar SIR(HT ) The ECI press release attributes 2.2 million deletions to deaths, 3.6 million deletions to permanently shifted/absent and another 0.7 million voters to already enrolled (elsewhere). One proxy which can be used to answer whether migration out of the state is the largest driver of change in elector counts across ACs is to check for a correlation between 2024 voter turnout and deletion in number of voters at the AC level. This is based on the premise that ACs with a larger share of migrant but absentee voters would have had lower turnouts in the past. A basic correlation check does not support this theory as the correlation between share of voters deleted and AC-wise turnout is very weak. Chart 1(HT) (See Chart 1) Are deletions a function of alliance-wise performance in 2020 elections? One of the theories doing the rounds has been that the SIR could lead to large scale deletion of Opposition voters in the state. A comparison of AC-wise deletions with alliance-wise victories in 2020 elections shows that this is unlikely to be true. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) won 125 out of the 243 ACs in the state. The total voter deletion in these ACs is 6.4% which is somewhat more than the overall deletion of 6.1% in the 115 ACs won by the Mahagathbandhan (MGB) in 2020. One could use the 2024 results for this analysis too but the MGB or INDIA alliance won only 68 ACs in 2024. The NDA had also won a larger number of ACs in the ACs with the top 25% and top 50% of deletions, while the MGB had won a greater share of ACs in the ACs with the bottom 50% of deletions between 2024 and the SIR draft roll. To be sure, these comparisons should be read with caution, because it is impossible to connect the voters who have been deleted from the rolls to which party they would have voted for, if they voted at all (more on this later). Chart 2(HT) (See Chart 2) What about deletions in Muslim dominated ACs? This is a more difficult question to answer because electoral rolls do not mention religion of voters and we do not even have religious break-ups of electors at the AC level. If one were to rank district-wise Muslim population from the 2011 census, then Kishanganj, which has the highest share of Muslim population in Bihar has seen the second highest deletion of voters between 2024 and the SIR draft roll. However, other districts with a large share of Muslim population do not figure in the list of districts with highest deletions. For example, Katihar and Araria, which have the second and third highest share of Muslims, have the sixth and tenth lowest deletions as a share of their respective 2024 Lok Sabha elector count. Chart 3A(HT) Another way to check whether deletions are higher in Muslim dominated ACs is to check the deletion in ACs which either had a Muslim winner or runner-up candidate. Of the 19 ACs won by Muslim candidates in 2020 assembly elections, 7 figure in the top 25% districts with voter deletions while 4 figure in the bottom 25% by number of deletions. The break-up is 11 and 8 in the top and bottom 50% by share of voters deleted. For 22 ACs where Muslim candidates were runners-up (and a Muslim did not win), the average share of voters deleted is 6.3% and varies from 13.6% to 0.63%. Chart 3B(HT) (See Chart 3A and 3B) Have seats with close contests seen more deletions? One could argue that these are the ACs which could be most sensitive to changes in electoral rolls. Once again, there is no correlation between victory margin in 2020 and the share of voters deleted between 2024 and SIR draft roll. Chart 4(HT) (See Chart 4) Theoretically, the SIR could have no impact on actual polling in Bihar This is an extremely counter-intuitive but eminently plausible scenario. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, voter turnout across ACs in Bihar ranged from 38.1% to 68.7%. In all of these ACs, the electors in the draft SIR roll are more than the number of people who cast their vote in 2024. 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Hindustan Times
2 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
View: Why Special Intensive Revision is the need of the hour
In a democracy, the relationship between the state and its citizens is marked by direct engagement, with elections serving as the primary means through which this engagement is exercised. The authority of the state is not self-derived; it flows from the collective will of the people, expressed through the act of voting. As thinkers from Locke to Ambedkar have emphasised in different contexts, the legitimacy of the state rests on the consent and confidence of the governed. This makes it not only a right but also a duty of the state to ensure that only eligible citizens are given the opportunity to vote freely, fairly, and meaningfully. A failure to do so, whether through neglect or manipulation, amounts to a failure of the state's core democratic responsibility. A view of the Election Commission of India (ECI) office in New Delhi.(File Photo) The first step of upholding the election process is a pure electoral roll, which is not only an obligation but a non-negotiable necessity for the very existence of democracy. In keeping with this mandate, the Commission decided to undertake a special intensive revision of electoral rolls across the country, beginning with Bihar, guided by the core objective that "no eligible elector is left out and no ineligible elector is included in the electoral roll." To achieve this, the legal framework provides for two distinct methodologies: the summary revision, wherein the existing roll is published as a draft and updated with additions and deletions; and the intensive revision, which involves the preparation of the roll afresh from scratch. While the summary revision has been adopted in recent years primarily for the sake of administrative convenience, the Commission, taking note of the evolving demographic profile, increasing urbanisation, and growing patterns of migration, consciously chose the more rigorous path of special intensive revision. This decision reflects the Commission's commitment to maintaining the purity and integrity of the electoral roll, which forms the bedrock of any credible democratic exercise. The exercise is being undertaken not only to ensure that all eligible citizens are included, but also to verify that those enrolled fulfill all the conditions prescribed under the Constitution and the Representation of the People Act, 1950, and are not disqualified from being registered as electors. While the debate should have focused on why such a critical exercise had not been conducted for over two decades, the narrative has instead shifted to questioning its timing—why now—when the real question ought to have been why not earlier. A sense of apprehension is being circulated by certain quarters, suggesting that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) will result in mass-scale disenfranchisement. These concerns are largely premised on the belief that many citizens, owing to illiteracy, migration for work, or poor access to documentation, would be unable to meet the requirements outlined in the Election Commission of India's (ECI) guidelines. It is argued that a significant number of people lack the documents necessary for enumeration and therefore may be excluded from the electoral roll. The Election Commission of India, fully aware that many eligible citizens may not possess conventional documentary proof, adopted a liberal and inclusive approach while framing the guidelines dated 24.06.2025. Intentionally, the list of documents prescribed therein was kept indicative and not exhaustive, precisely to ensure that all legally permissible documents that establish the eligibility conditions under the law could be considered by the Electoral Registration Officer (ERO). The underlying objective was to avoid exclusion and to accommodate the diverse socio-economic realities of citizens across the country. However, it must also be understood that the Election Commission, as a constitutional authority, is bound to operate strictly within the framework of law laid down by Parliament. It cannot—by design or discretion—permit reliance on documents that are legally impermissible or explicitly excluded by statutory mandate. Its flexibility is therefore broad, but never lawless. It is also pertinent to mention that from the very first day of notification, the Election Commission, through its field machinery, undertook proactive steps to ensure full coverage and, as a result, the enumeration teams reached 99.8% of electors—a figure that directly rebuts the claim of widespread exclusion. Yet, this is not the only significant outcome of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR). The exercise also revealed that approximately 22 lakh names on the roll belonged to deceased individuals, 32 lakh were found to be permanently shifted, 4 lakh were untraceable or failed to submit their enumeration forms, and nearly 7 lakh were registered at multiple locations. In total, around 65 lakh electors do not feature in the draft electoral roll. Significantly, about 61 lakh of these were found to be either deceased, permanently relocated, or already enrolled elsewhere—categories that are legally disqualified from being included in the roll. These exclusions are, therefore, not arbitrary but necessary corrections that uphold the legal integrity of the electoral process. As for the remaining 4 lakh electors, despite repeated visits and efforts by enumerators, they were not traceable or did not submit their forms. To address any inadvertent exclusion, including among these 65 lakh names, the Commission has provided an open window for filing claims and objections. The Commission, anticipating the possibility of genuine electors being left out, has instituted a robust remedial mechanism. Any eligible citizen whose name is missing from the draft roll can submit a claim for inclusion until the final publication scheduled for 30th September. This safeguard ensures that the process remains fair and inclusive, without compromising on the legal requirements for eligibility. When initial fears of mass disenfranchisement did not materialize, attention shifted to these figures as supposed evidence of large-scale deletion. However, in line with its guiding principle that 'no eligible elector should be left out,' the Election Commission shared the complete list of such entries with district representatives of recognized political parties, inviting them to verify or trace any individuals whose names they believed had been wrongly deleted. This outreach remains especially relevant for the 4 lakh electors who could not be located during enumeration. Despite this opportunity, no substantial effort or contrary evidence has been produced by any political party to substantiate claims of erroneous deletions. Can this then be termed disenfranchisement? The answer is no. What this instead reveals is that a significant portion of the existing electoral roll included individuals who are deceased, have permanently relocated, or cannot be verified to exist at all. Rather than undermining the democratic process, the Special Intensive Revision has strengthened it by identifying and correcting large-scale inaccuracies. This exercise has not only reaffirmed the Commission's commitment to electoral integrity but has also created an opportunity for stakeholders—including political parties and civil society organizations—to assist in tracing any remaining unverified electors, particularly those who were not found despite field visits. In this crucial final phase, political parties and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should rise above unproductive debate and instead contribute constructively to the process. Rather than casting doubts or hindering the revision effort, they should actively assist in identifying and facilitating the inclusion of any eligible electors who may have been inadvertently left out of the draft roll. They also have a valuable role in helping track the small remaining segment of 4 lakh untraceable electors, ensuring that the door remains open for rightful inclusion where possible. This last-mile exercise is essential to dispel any remaining apprehension regarding disenfranchisement. It is important to clarify that till the publication of the draft roll, no name has been deleted on the ground of non-availability of documents. Even during the scrutiny of the enumeration forms, every possible effort will be made to ensure that no eligible citizen is excluded solely due to lack of documentation. In cases where documents are unavailable, the Election Commission has deployed an additional force of over 2 lakh volunteers, apart from the 1 lakh Booth Level Officers (BLOs), to actively assist such electors in procuring the required documents from relevant government departments. Furthermore, no name shall be deleted without strictly adhering to the three foundational principles of natural justice—issuing a notice, providing a reasonable opportunity of being heard, and passing a speaking order. Any elector still aggrieved by such deletion is also afforded an opportunity to appeal under a robust two-tier appellate mechanism, thereby ensuring that the process remains both lawful and fair. The Election Commission of India has approached the Special Intensive Revision of the electoral roll with the dual responsibility of inclusion and integrity. While it is bound to ensure that every eligible citizen is rightfully included, it is equally obligated to prevent the entry of ineligible names that can distort the democratic process. The right to vote must be unhindered for those who fulfil the legal conditions, but that same right loses its meaning if the roll is polluted by wrongful entries. But democracy cannot allow those without legal entitlement to occupy the same space in the roll. In ensuring both rightful inclusion and lawful exclusion, the Commission is fulfilling not two competing tasks, but one unified constitutional duty: protecting the sanctity of the franchise. EC is simply doing its job.
