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Flathead teen turns emergency lights on for first responders

Flathead teen turns emergency lights on for first responders

Yahoo19-05-2025

May 19—Emergency medical services are not designated as essential, unlike firefighters or police, which means Montana isn't required to fund them.
A resolution that started as a Flathead High School student's class project may change that. The resolution calls for a statewide study of emergency medical services to assess capabilities, needs, future demand and funding mechanisms.
Flathead senior Kaylee Hampton, 17, helped draft the resolution as a political engagement project for her International Baccalaureate Global Politics class. The class is taught by Ryan Lee.
"It started with just the proposal sheet from my global politics class, where I said I wanted to find ways to make funding more equitable in fire departments. From there, we devised a plan, figuring out who I needed to get a hold of, and sort of the route I wanted to go," Hampton said.
She contacted Republican Sen. John Fuller of Kalispell, who sponsored the joint resolution, for guidance. Fuller is a former Flathead High School teacher.
"He worked with me and told me that I could help draft a resolution for it. So, I drafted it myself. I got the go-ahead from my teacher, and from him [Fuller] and then we sent it off to the Senate Committee on Health," she said.
Once she sent the draft off, a wave of relief washed over the ambitious senior who thanks to a "very concise schedule" and "really great family and friends" was able to carve out time to write drafts of the draft while going to school and spending nearly every other weekend competing in extracurriculars in addition to completing scholarship applications.
The study will look at the implications of recognizing emergency medical services as a statewide essential service and look at anticipated future demands for services over the next five years, according to the resolution.
WHILE MANY of her friends pursued ideas related to Ukraine, Hampton opted to do the project because it hit close to home.
With a father working as a firefighter and paramedic for the Bigfork Fire Department and the Lakeside Quick Response Unit, Hampton learned firsthand the critical role EMS provides to Montana's rural communities and cities.
"I think often we think of fire departments as just fire. When I realized that literally about 85% of his job is EMS-related ... that's what tells me it's so important," Hampton said.
Also at her disposal was an understanding of the Legislative process. Hampton has three years of experience competing in Legislative Debate under coach Kelli Rosenquist on Flathead's speech and debate team.
"I've had the training to write resolutions and do mock legislation, and so competing in that gave me a really good background on what's going on," she said.
As with preparing for a productive debate, Hampton approached the project with meticulousness, research, resolve, confidence and patience — following the resolution and providing testimony as it made its way through the Legislature from November 2024, when a draft was assigned, to being signed by the Speaker of the House and Senate President at the beginning of May.
Addressing the Senate Public Health, Welfare and Safety committee at the state Capitol March 19 was both scary and exhilarating, she said.
"I've been wanting to do this since I started legislative debate when I was a sophomore. It wasn't this exact resolution, but I was like, I just got to get a bill passed. I really want to do it," she said.
AFTER RESEARCHING the issue and interviewing local fire department chiefs in Bigfork, South Kalispell and Smith Valley, where her father started out as a volunteer, she learned that not having the "essential" designation is a nationwide concern. Primarily relying on money from local governments means that underfunded communities may exacerbate health disparities, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
"A lot of the experiences I'm seeing within my valley show the strains are just getting pretty extreme. They'll get funding for fire, but they're not getting near enough for what 85% of their job really is," she said.
Smith Valley Fire Chief Amy Beick said the department is proud of Hampton's efforts to resurrect a decades-old issue.
"She's just very talented and ambitious," Beick said.
"As far as the study, we are very excited to see a study done on EMS services at the state level. We are very confident they will find sufficient evidence to make EMS a necessary service, and that's long overdue," she said.
Beick said her department currently funds EMS through ambulance billing revenue. Each time an individual is transported by ambulance, Medicare, Medicaid, or private insurance is billed, but it doesn't always make ends meet. Last year, the department had 730 calls for service, and of that, 569 were EMS-related.
"Seventy-eight percent of our call volume is medical," Beick said, noting that the fire department is not alone in the high volume of medical calls. "And so, nine years ago, our board decided we can't do that to our mutual aid [fire departments]. So, they went and purchased a used ambulance, and they figured out how to staff it and equip it."
Prior to buying the ambulance, Smith Valley relied on Kalispell, which means traveling a farther distance and a longer response time. As the population continues to grow, so does the call volume, and Smith Valley made the switch to contracting with a private ambulance company.
"But there's no money in EMS. There's no funding for EMS, so they couldn't afford to keep their doors open and went out of business. And so that left a hole for us," Beick said. "Who's going to transport? Do we just rely on mutual aid for all of our EMS calls, which isn't fair."
The study is set to conclude in September 2026, with results reported to the 70th Legislature.
REFLECTING ON the broader impact of her project and the importance of youth involvement in the legislative process, Hampton encourages her peers to "take the leap" by getting involved.
"Just remember that you have friends around you, you have teachers around you who are willing to support you," she said, drawing from her own experience.
She said it's an empowering experience to realize constituents can effect change.
"I've always been like, OK, well, I can be upset about it, or I can make the change. I think that it's really empowering to be like, OK, yeah, this is a democracy. I have the complete power to get a hold of my representative and to see if I can do something and try to make that change,"
She said the experience was a big deal that not only demonstrated her capabilities but also speaks to the support and guidance of her mentors, coaches and teachers.
"Getting to show my mentees that it's possible for teenagers to do things like this, I hope, is empowering to them too," she said.
Reporter Hilary Matheson may be reached at 758-4431 or hmatheson@dailyinterlake.com.

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Mike Crapo's megabill Mission: Impossible
Mike Crapo's megabill Mission: Impossible

Politico

time14 minutes ago

  • Politico

Mike Crapo's megabill Mission: Impossible

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Lindsey Graham and Stephen Miller, the deputy White House chief of staff, are among the GOP lawmakers and Trump administration officials using the clashes to call for passing the megabill to bolster immigration enforcement. Congressional Hispanic Caucus members talked through the situation in an emergency meeting late Sunday, our Nicholas Wu reports. And look for the issue to come up at tonight's House Appropriations subcommittee on DHS funding, which includes immigration enforcement. Johnson doubts Musk's megabill sway Johnson told ABC's 'This Week' on Sunday that he has texted with Elon Musk but not spoken with him since last Monday. But the speaker didn't appear worried about Musk's meltdown over the 'big, beautiful' bill. He said Republicans haven't received many constituent calls urging votes against the bill over Musk's complaints. 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Elise Stefanik, the chair of House Republican Leadership, is back on House Intelligence, where she served since 2017 before losing the assignment when she was tapped to be UN ambassador. To make the move work, the House is adding Democratic Rep. Steve Cohen to the panel rather than removing another Republican. POLICY RUNDOWN BANKING'S BYRD TEST — Senate Banking Chair Tim Scott is out with his panel's contribution to the GOP's megabill, amid concerns from his own Republican members that several provisions won't be allowed under Senate budget reconciliation rules, our Katherine Hapgood reports. A plan to zero out CFPB funding could run into problems with the so-called Byrd, which restricts proposals that have a negligible budget impact. ANOTHER CRAPO PROBLEM — Thirteen House Republicans led by Rep. Jen Kiggans are urging Senate leaders to rescue clean energy tax credits that the House-passed version of the GOP megabill would phase down, Kelsey Brugger reports. 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The stealth Senate dealmaker who could deliver Trump's tax cuts
The stealth Senate dealmaker who could deliver Trump's tax cuts

Politico

time14 minutes ago

  • Politico

The stealth Senate dealmaker who could deliver Trump's tax cuts

Some of the most critical components of President Donald Trump's agenda are in the hands of a soft-spoken senator from Idaho who behind closed doors is one of Capitol Hill's most calculating dealmakers. Senate Finance Chair Mike Crapo is rushing to finalize his panel's portion of his party's massive legislative centerpiece. He could begin briefing colleagues on bill text as soon as Monday, according to a person granted anonymity to share an evolving schedule —while three people aware of the state of negotiations say a full tax package may not be ready for release until early next week. That package needs to unite 51 Republicans in the Senate without alienating more than three GOP members of the House. The fate of vast Republican tax cuts enacted in 2017, and set to expire at the end of this year, hangs in the balance. In interviews throughout the past several weeks in the halls of the Senate, as he shuffled between meetings and votes flanked by trusted advisers, Crapo played his cards close to his vest. Asked about how he planned to make sure a trio of expiring business tax cuts are made permanent, he replied, 'I'm just not going to comment.' On whether the Senate would make tweaks to controversial House Medicaid language: 'We're working that right now. I'm not going to get into the details.' On how negotiations were going over whether to lower the House agreement to increase the cap on the state-and-local-tax deduction to $40,000: 'We're looking at the entire bill.' Crapo is known for his spare words, but also for his history of landing deals — and squashing ones he doesn't like, such as last year when he tanked a bipartisan tax bill negotiated by then-Finance Chair Ron Wyden and the chair of the House Ways and Means Committee, Jason Smith. At the same time, longtime colleagues and aides say Crapo can sometimes play the role of committee consensus-builder to his detriment — and he may have to put that tendency aside as the clock ticks down to the GOP's self-imposed July 4 deadline to send Trump his 'big, beautiful bill.' The question is now whether Crapo can help broker an agreement at this political moment when he has never presided over a policy battle with such high stakes. 'Mike Crapo is probably one of the three most well-respected members of the Republican caucus. People trust him. He listens. He tells you the truth. He tries to be inclusive, sometimes to a fault,' said Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.) in an interview. 'He's quiet. He's really, really smart.' People who have worked closely with Crapo say he likes to slowly build agreement among his committee members, has seemingly infinite patience to work out issues and most likely won't take a position with Senate leadership until he feels like all of his fellow panel Republicans are on board. 'Crapo is a very thoughtful and deliberate lawmaker who has strong views on tax policy himself, but also who cares about what his committee members want,' said Joe Boddicker, a former tax counsel for Senate Finance Republicans under Crapo, now of the law firm Alston & Bird. 'He will try to incorporate the feedback from them, and he puts a high premium on that feedback … so it'll be a group product, one that reflects the viewpoints of the committee membership.' He has previously walked political tightropes to pull off difficult legislative wins. Among the most notable was in 2018, when, as chair of the Senate Banking Committee, Crapo crafted a rare bipartisan deal with red-state Democrats to loosen Dodd-Frank regulations on banks — the most significant overhaul of the rules since they were first created after the 2008 financial crisis. '[He] puts the time in on it. He's low-key, but he is a connector, a facilitator,' said Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.), who worked closely with Crapo on the banking overhaul. 'He doesn't need the spotlight, but he is very, very effective.' But Crapo is getting an earful from his members right now about what the tax portion of the GOP megabill should look like. Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) wants to make the 'no tax on tips' proposal — a Trump campaign promise — more fair for blue-collar workers in certain industries. Meanwhile, Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.) wants to scale back a tier of new endowment taxes on private universities, a favorite proposal from House Ways and Means Republicans. Crapo is fielding a host of concerns from an ideologically diverse group of Senate Republicans, from moderate Susan Collins of Maine to conservative Josh Hawley of Missouri, who say they won't vote for a bill that could result in people losing Medicaid coverage. And then there's Sen. Ron Johnson, a Finance member who has warned he could vote against the megabill if Republicans don't commit to massive reductions in spending. At the same time, Crapo has shown in the past he's not afraid to stand up for his own interests. He surprised his House counterparts last year when he quietly killed the bipartisan tax deal crafted by Smith and Wyden. He opposed many of the policies, including an expansion of the Child Tax Credit. But while he didn't know then how the 2024 elections would shake out, stymying that deal also left the door open for the scenario in which Crapo now finds himself: able to run point on a more sweeping, and wholly partisan, tax overhaul exercise under a GOP governing trifecta. The fallout, however, also soured the relationship between Crapo and Smith. Yet the two men have found a new way to work closely together over the last few months to deliver Trump's biggest legislative priorities through the filibuster-skirting budget reconciliation process. 'I think part of the problem is that Wyden and Smith got together and Crapo didn't feel like he was a full partner,' said Finance Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas regarding the prior episode. Cornyn added that the current political conditions have necessitated an accord between the two lawmakers. They'll have to work together. Their two committees differ on the questions of business tax permanence — which would cost around half a trillion dollars to implement — and how high to cap the SALT deduction — which all Finance Republics want lowered. And there's continued disagreement over using an accounting tactic to essentially paper over around $3.8 trillion of extensions of Trump's tax cuts. Smith says he's in favor of the maneuver, but House hard-liners are extremely skeptical of the idea. Senate Republicans, including Crapo, want to keep it in place. 'We've been communicating very closely so we each know what the other is thinking,' 74-year-old Crapo, who has served in the Senate for more than three decades, said in an interview of his working relationship now with 44-year-old Smith, who was elected to the House in 2013 and has a reputation for being more outwardly pugnacious. 'We each know what the other's politics are in their caucus,' Crapo continued, 'and we're trying to keep ourselves in a situation where there are as few differences as possible.' A spokesperson for Smith did not respond to a request for comment about the House member's rapport with the senator. The partnership will come in handy as Crapo faces enormous pressure from other members of House GOP leadership, who are urging the Senate not to make so many changes to the House-passed bill that it will slow down the bill's final passage — if not derail the effort altogether. 'Mike Crapo is a brilliant senator and he's instrumental on the tax stuff and everything else. You got to respect his opinion. But at the end of the day, I hope they leave it right where it's at,' said House Majority Whip Tom Emmer (R-Minn.) in an interview last week. Crapo, meanwhile, has expressed quiet confidence he will deliver a viable product — even as he deals with the competing demands of House leaders like Emmer, his fellow Finance Republicans and even the Senate parliamentarian, whose rulings could complicate his efforts. Asked recently about an anticipated parliamentary ruling on the accounting tactic, he managed to sum up his whole approach: 'I never declare victory until the game is over.' Jordain Carney and Mia McCarthy contributed to this report.

Silicon Valley's not crying for Musk
Silicon Valley's not crying for Musk

Axios

time17 minutes ago

  • Axios

Silicon Valley's not crying for Musk

Few tears will be shed in Silicon Valley or at Big Tech firms over Elon Musk's precipitous fall from White House grace. Why it matters: Musk's brief alliance with President Trump warped the usual dynamics of the relationship between America's most valuable industry and its center of political power. Between the lines: Musk himself is widely admired in tech's corridors of power for Tesla's and SpaceX's innovations — but also widely disliked for his unfulfillable promises, erratic behavior and social media addiction. Now that Musk is suddenly on the outs with Trump, a lot of tech leaders are quietly crossing their fingers that they can get back to dealmaking and policy-setting without worrying about a key competitor whispering in the president's ear. Tech giants can't be sure that whoever replaces Musk as Trump's favorite geek will bring stability or regulatory relief — but Musk wasn't delivering on those fronts either. On the other hand, any follow-through on Trump's threat to strangle the flow of federal dollars to Musk's firms would demonstrate that vendettas are the new normal. Such targeting of one person's business empire with the full force of presidential power would send a chill down any CEO's spine, pro- or anti-Trump. The big picture: Tech leaders see huge opportunities in Washington and government work right now. AI is exploding, defense tech is booming, and crypto firms are chomping at the bit. Plenty of CEOs resented what they saw as the Biden administration's hostility to deals, dedication to strict regulation and aggressive stance on antitrust. Yes, but: The long Republican tradition of business-friendly regulatory positions has mutated into a Trumpian realpolitik. The Trump administration has been forthright in its intention to help friends and punish enemies. Help comes as contracts and preferential treatment by regulators; punishment comes via canceled contracts, fines and even prosecution by the Justice Department. The terms of this week's Trump-Musk feud made starkly clear how serious Trump is about these carrot-and-stick moves. Losers: Musk himself obviously faces not only financial losses but a reputational reckoning. He has already alienated his liberal-left fans, who'd once been drawn to his electric vehicles. If Trump's MAGA loyalists abandon him too, he might be left with a thinned social media fan base, a pile of sinking shares, and not much else. Winners: Virtually any tech leader not named Musk can find satisfaction in his misfortune. Musk's businesses are all deeply entangled with one another but rarely partner with non-Musk-owned firms. His empire is a mostly self-contained Muskiverse, meaning its woes aren't likely to prove contagious. There are plenty of MAGA-friendly tech firms — think Palantir and Anduril in defense tech, Meta under a newly MAGA-fied Mark Zuckerberg, or the Andreessen-Horowitz portfolio in startups — ready to step in to the Musk void in D.C. if he and the president don't patch things up. U.S. leaders may decide it's time to broaden the supply of rockets that can launch satellites and astronauts into space beyond SpaceX — and that could benefit Jeff Bezos and his Blue Origin firm. One of the biggest winners, even though he has largely stayed mum on the Musk/Trump fireworks, is OpenAI's Sam Altman. Musk's role in the Trump administration gave his company an inside track on federal contracts. Altman, who wasn't ever known to be close to Trump, surprised Musk by repackaging his giant Stargate datacenter project as a Trump deal and winning an Oval Office photo op with Trump the day after the new president's inauguration. Altman and Musk have their own feud. Both were among the nonprofit's cofounders, and Musk has sued OpenAI, claiming that under Altman it has abandoned its original AI safety mission. Another winner: Vice President J.D. Vance, who during Musk's White House days seemed to fade into the woodwork, has a chance to reassert his primacy as the Trump administration's ambassador to tech. Still to be seen is where some of the other key tech players in Trumpworld — like White House adviser David Sacks — land when the firestorm subsides. The intrigue: You won't read expressions of tech leaders' relief at Musk's D.C. exit in their posts or interviews. There's nothing to be gained and lots to lose for most executives or investors to take sides in the Trump-Musk war of words. That's why the only sound from tech's normally boisterous social-media gallery has been an occasional wan plea of "be nice and make up." What's next: Trump White House dramas never end, they just go into new seasons.

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