
Baltimore Sun Hall of Fame 2025: Stuart O. ‘Stu' Simms, lawyer and leader
Stuart O. 'Stu' Simms has a theory on that. The onetime Baltimore state's attorney, former secretary to two Cabinet-level state agencies and partner at Brown, Goldstein & Levy boils it down to this: It's about getting the right people in the room.
Oh, that doesn't mean it's going to be easy or fast. You can expect a lot of different ideas and personalities. But if you can get people who know their stuff, who genuinely seek to solve problems and not promote personal agendas, the 74-year-old Harvard Law-trained lawyer says, the resulting conversation can put you on the right road.
An example? Years ago, Baltimore Police regularly had big backlogs of arrestees. The legal community wondered: Why not locate a court to review bails next to the jail? Some people in the judiciary balked. But thanks to Simms and others advocating for that reform, eventually it happened —and it helped. 'You have to come to the table and be open to some solutions,' Simms says. And that is a philosophy that has guided his career.
Simms, now retired, may be remembered as one of the most successful — and perhaps most low-key — leaders in public safety that Maryland has seen over the past 40 years. Colleagues say his quiet competence commands respect. University of Baltimore President Kurt Schmoke, who chose Simms as his deputy when he was Baltimore state's attorney, traces it back to Simms' days on the gridiron. The Harlem Park native was a fullback and star at Gilman School and then Dartmouth College, where he started three years and helped lead the school to three straight Ivy League football championships.
'He was willing to take those tough jobs like running back,' recalls Schmoke, himself a former star quarterback at Baltimore City College in the same mid-1960s era. 'In his professional life, he demonstrated the same kind of determination as he did as a distinguished athlete in high school and the college level.'
But Simms' outlook wasn't just forged on the playing field; it was also shaped by his turbulent times: the late 1960s and the Civil Rights Movement as Black men and women sought to redefine their place in this country. It would have been easy for the son of a steelworker father and public schoolteacher mother to question authority. But he also found inspiration during his senior year at Dartmouth: While on a fellowship in Atlanta, he was introduced to Maynard Jackson, the lawyer and civil rights leader who in 1974 would become the city's first Black mayor. He ended up working for him for almost a year.
'It was a life-changing experience to work with him,' Simms recalls. He considered postponing law school; Jackson told him not to wait. He was needed on the playing field of public service and the law. He was needed to be a change-maker.
After Harvard Law, the U.S. Department of Justice eventually beckoned. Simms spent four years there as a prosecutor, gaining trial and investigative acumen. He recalls those days as 'challenging' but enjoyable, learning from the talented courtroom rivals who advocated for criminal defendants. Then came his days as deputy state's attorney in Baltimore, only to find himself promoted to the top job when his boss was elected mayor. Simms was elected state's attorney in 1990 and reelected in 1994. In 1995, then-Gov. Parris Glendening came calling, hiring him first to run the Department of Juvenile Services and in 1997 to serve as secretary of the Department of Public Safety and Correctional Services, one of state government's most challenging assignments.
'If ever I was in a foxhole fighting a war, I'd want Stu there with me,' said U.S. Rep. Kweisi Mfume, a Baltimore Democrat who has known Simms for 45 years. 'He has a strong sense of commitment and dedication. And he has a moral compass we don't always find these days with people.'
It is notable that those two agencies have been immersed in much controversy in recent years but not so when Simms was running them. Indeed, the fact that his name was rarely in the news may have worked against him when he ran a hastily arranged campaign to be Maryland attorney general in 2006 and lost the Democratic primary to Montgomery County State's Attorney Douglas F. Gansler.
'Decency. That's the word that suits Stu,' said Larry Gibson, the longtime Democratic organizer and law professor who managed his political campaigns. 'He is an intelligent, decent, productive person. Not someone who seeks limelight or has a large ego.'
In more recent years, he's also someone who has been supporting many civic and professional causes, serving as chief counsel to Maryland Legal Aid and on the boards of the Baltimore Museum of Art, the Baltimore Symphony Orchestra, Gilman and others. In 2022, he lost his beloved Candace, his wife of 49 years. They first met in high school and developed a lasting bond in college. He is a father of two and grandfather of two.
His hope for the future? That others will look to do the right thing and not spend time 'thinking about the damn headlines,' as he was once told by his coach at Gilman. 'I took the job seriously,' he says. 'I wanted to do the right thing.'
Peter Jensen is an editorial writer at The Baltimore Sun; he can be reached at pejensen@baltsun.com.
Age: 74
Hometown: Baltimore
Current residence: Baltimore
Education: Gilman School; Dartmouth College; Harvard Law School
Career highlights: Staff counsel to U.S. Sen. Paul Sarbanes; assistant U.S. attorney for the District of Maryland; Baltimore state's attorney; secretary of the Maryland Department of Juvenile Justice and the Maryland Department of Public Safety and Correctional Services; partner, Brown, Goldstein & Levy; Maryland Legal Aid chief counsel
Civic and charitable activities: University of Maryland School of Law advisory board; board member for Baltimore Museum of Art, president of the Baltimore Educational Scholarship Trust and past board member of Baltimore Symphony Orchestra, Maryland Zoo in Baltimore, Gilman School, Sinai Hospital, St. James Episcopal Church, United Way of Central Maryland, Baltimore Community Foundation, Associated Black Charities and the Baltimore NAACP
Family: Wife Candace died in 2022; two sons; two grandchildren
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Los Angeles Times
24 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
Six decades after the Watts riots, too little has changed
On Aug. 11, 1965, 60 years ago, I stood transfixed with hundreds of others on the corner several blocks from my house in South L.A. watching what seemed like a horrid page out of 'Dante's Inferno.' But this was real life. Liquor stores, a laundromat and two dry cleaners blazed away. There was an ear-splitting din from the crowd's shouts, curses and jeers at the police cars that sped by crammed with cops in full battle gear, shotguns flailing out of their cars. There was an almost carnival air of euphoria among the roving throngs as packs of young and not-so-young people darted into the stores snatching and grabbing anything that wasn't nailed down. Their arms bulged with liquor bottles and cigarette cartons. I was 18 and felt a childlike mix of awe and fascination watching this. For a moment there was even the temptation to make my own dash into one of the burning stores. But that quickly passed. One of my friends kept repeating with his face contorted with anger: 'Maybe now they'll see how rotten they treat us.' In that bitter moment, he said what countless other Black people felt as the flames and the smoke swirled. The events of those days and his words remain burned in my memory on the 60th anniversary of the Watts riots. I still think of the streets down which we were shooed by the police and the National Guard during those hellish days. They're impossible to forget for another reason. Exactly six decades later, some of those streets look as if time has stood still. They are dotted with the same fast-food restaurants, beauty shops, liquor stores and mom-and-pop grocery stores. The main street near the block I lived on then is just as unkempt, pothole-ridden and trash littered now as it ever was. All the homes and stores in the area are hermetically sealed with iron bars, security gates and burglar alarms. In taking a hard look at what has changed in Watts — and all of America's neighborhoods like Watts — since the riots, the picture is not flattering. According to Data USA, Watts still has the runaway highest poverty rate in L.A. County. Nearly one-third of the households are far below the official poverty level. It has the highest jobless rate. It is still plagued by the same paucity of retail stores, healthcare services, chronically low educational test scores and high dropout rates. The near-frozen conditions in Watts were hideously punctuated in the lengthy battle that residents and advocacy groups waged last year against city agencies to clean up the contaminated water that posed huge safety and health hazards to thousands. It's a battle that's still being fought. In some ways, what I see in Watts now is worse than what I remember before the riots. Despite the grinding poverty among many in Watts six decades ago, nearly all the residents had shelter. The sight of people sleeping on the streets, at bus stops and in the park was practically unimaginable in Watts in 1965. That is not the case today. Homelessness, as in other parts of South Los Angeles, is a major problem. However, this is only one benchmark of how little progress has been made since the riots in confronting racial ills and poverty in a still grossly underserved Watts. Many Black people in the six decades since the riots have long since escaped such neighborhoods. Their lives, like mine, are now lived far from the corner in South L.A. where I once stood amid the flames and chaos. Their flight was made possible by the avalanche of civil rights and voting rights laws, state and local bars against discrimination, and affirmative action programs that for many of them crumbled the nation's historic racial barriers. The parade of top Black appointed and elected officials, including one former president, the legions of black mega millionaire CEOs, athletes and entertainers are evidence of that. However, that does not alter the hard reality that a new generation of Black people now languishes on corners like the one I stood on in August 1965. For them there has been no escape. But it's not all doom and gloom. There are advocacy groups such as Watts Rising that press L.A. city and county officials for greater funding initiatives and programs in every area of life, including housing, jobs and income boosting programs, along with huge investment in improved healthcare services. One other memorable moment for me during those hellfire days was when the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. came to Watts at the height of the riots. He was jeered by a few Black residents when he tried to calm the situation. But King did not just deliver a message of peace and nonviolence; he also deplored police abuse and the poverty in Watts. Sixty years later, he would almost certainly have the same message if he came to South L.A. or any of America's other similar neighborhoods. Too little has changed. Too much has gotten worse. What I see in those communities 60 years after the Watts riots remains stark and troubling proof of that. Earl Ofari Hutchinson's latest book is 'Day 1 The Trump Reign.' His commentaries can be found at


Axios
24 minutes ago
- Axios
Henrico plans first trail honoring Black Civil War soldiers
Henrico is planning a 3.2-mile trail that will double as a recreational path and a tribute to the Black soldiers who fought in one of the Civil War's most pivotal battles. Why it matters: It'll be the first in the county to commemorate Black Union troops and their role in American history. The big picture: The trail, estimated to cost $16 million, will run from the Four Mile Creek Trailhead off the Virginia Capital Trail to Deep Bottom Park. It'll also follow the United States Colored Troops' march during the Battle of New Market Heights in 1864, which led to 14 Black soldiers receiving the Medal of Honor. That acknowledgment was rare at a time when Black Americans were still denied full citizenship. The battle — which the trail is named after — was USCT's "most significant victory in the entire Civil War," Mark Perreault, president of the Richmond Battlefield Association, said in a public information meeting last month. Zoom in: Features for the New Market Heights trail could include a potential monument to those troops. And Ryan Levering, the county's capital projects manager, said in last month's meeting that the project addresses some of the top-requested amenities from residents: more trails and access to green space. What's next: Officials say the design plans won't be finalized until next year, and construction is slated to begin in late 2026 or early 2027, pending federal funding.


Fox News
2 hours ago
- Fox News
I'm leading Trump's antisemitism task force. We must protect Jewish people now and forever
When President Donald Trump asked me to lead the Department of Justice Task Force to Combat Antisemitism, I answered without hesitation: "Thank you, Mr. President." Why such gratitude? This mission is deeply personal. I have been a civil rights attorney for 35 years. Jewish friends gave me my start as a civil rights attorney by allowing me to use office space free-of-charge when I was just getting off my feet. I am a child of the 1960s who understands the historic bond between Black and Jewish Americans. I remember the Jewish activists who stood shoulder to shoulder with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., and I honor the memory of Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, two young Jewish men murdered in Mississippi in 1964 for defending the rights of African Americans. That history shows how deeply connected the Black and Jewish struggles for equality have been. Standing up against hate in one form means standing up against hate in all forms. The fight against antisemitism is not just a Jewish issue but also an American issue. I am proud to be a Black man leading this Task Force. For four years, the previous administration largely ignored the rise of antisemitism across the country, leaving Jewish Americans exposed to growing danger. Trump, in contrast, has made combating antisemitism a top national priority. His administration is confronting its most visible breeding grounds: American universities. At too many universities, antisemitism is not only tolerated but, in some cases, encouraged and protected. The task force has identified institutions, including Harvard, Columbia, UCLA, and Northwestern, that enable antisemitic conduct. Federal funding freezes worth billions of dollars have forced these schools to acknowledge wrongdoing and adopt reforms immediately. Federal funding is a privilege, not a right. No one would object if the federal government withheld funds from universities that enable discrimination against Black students. The same principle must apply when Jewish students are targeted. Jewish students deserve to attend school without fear of harassment, intimidation or violence. The fight does not stop at the classroom door. Antisemitism is spilling into America's streets. An anti-Israel extremist murdered two young staffers of the Israeli Embassy near the Capital Jewish Museum in Washington, D.C. They were an engaged couple preparing to build a life together. Instead of pursuing their dreams, they were gunned down together, and I watched their blood being cleaned from the sidewalk. In Colorado, a Holocaust survivor was set on fire and killed, while others suffered horrific injuries. In St. Louis, antisemitic arsonists set fire to vehicles belonging to the family and friends of an American citizen who served in the IDF, leaving them destroyed, and defaced the area with hateful graffiti accusing him of murder and calling for the death of the IDF. The task force and the entire Department of Justice are ensuring that those responsible for such acts of antisemitic violence face swift and uncompromising justice to the fullest extent allowed by law. There is also economic antisemitism. Jewish institutions and communities across the country pay extra for security like no other community is required to. Recently, I was honored to deliver the keynote address at the Israel on Campus Coalition's National Leadership Summit in D.C. The students were charged $228,169.53 for security, an amount they had no choice but to pay to stay safe as Jews because the city wouldn't provide it. This so-called "Jewish tax" is an insult to the principle of equal rights. My task force will continue pressing D.C. Democrat Mayor Muriel Bowser and other elected officials across the country to start taking this issue seriously. At too many universities, antisemitism is not only tolerated but, in some cases, encouraged and protected. The time to act is now. Permanent safeguards must be established before the end of Trump's term to guarantee that Jewish Americans remain protected no matter who holds the White House in the future. For me, this is more than a job. This is a 24/7 mission to honor the civil rights heroes of the past, defend the victims of today's hate, and secure a future where Jewish Americans live free from fear in their own country. The forces driving antisemitism, including Hamas and other terrorist groups, have made clear that their hatred will not stop with the Jewish people. Their ultimate target is the United States itself and the freedoms we all cherish. Defeating them is not just a moral imperative. The fight is for the safety and survival of every American.