
Cyber governance, fake news and Peca
The writer holds an LLM from Singapore Management University. He can be reached at shahidk.2022@llm.smu.edu.sg
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Pakistan stands at a critical crossroads in its digital transformation. In an era where falsehood travels faster than truth, a single viral lie can unsettle communities while a data breach can topple industries. With more than 87 million social media users, and a $6 billion e-commerce sector, the nation's digital potential is immense — yet fraught with vulnerabilities. Misinformation erodes social trust, and cybercrime imperils economic progress, making the balance between free expression and regulatory oversight a pressing challenge.
Pakistan's digital landscape is a study in contrasts. E-commerce platforms showcase a thriving tech ecosystem, yet weak governance allows criminals and disinformation networks to exploit gaps. Fake news manifests in myriad forms: from well-meaning Covid-19 cure rumours to politically charged deepfakes and blackmail schemes using hacked data. In 2023, phishing scams against banking apps drove a fourfold surge in digital fraud (State Bank of Pakistan) while cybercrime costs the economy $2.5 billion annually (Pakistan Software Houses Association). Such losses deter investors, and over 65% of citizens now avoid online transactions, stifling growth for startups and SMEs (Gallup Pakistan, 2023).
Traditional electronic media operates under Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) guidelines, but social platforms often evade similar scrutiny. Engagement-driven algorithms amplify sensational content, sparking rumour-induced crises. During the 2022 floods, fake charity appeals diverted funds from legitimate relief efforts. A baseless claim about a bank's solvency could trigger mass withdrawals, underscoring the chaos unchecked platforms may unleash. To counter this, the government introduced the amended Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) 2025, aiming to curb cyber threats and misinformation.
Critics opine that PECA 2025's vague prohibitions on "false" or "fake" content risk violating constitutional freedoms (Articles 19 and 19-A). Ambiguous definitions, they argue, grant authorities unchecked power to block content or target dissent. Additional concerns include opaque criteria for regulating platforms, government-dominated oversight bodies threatening editorial independence, and harsh penalties that may deter investigative journalism. These fears highlight the delicate equilibrium between security and liberty.
Proponents counter that the Constitution permits reasonable restrictions to protect national security and public order. They emphasise that misinformation inciting violence or endangering health can be addressed through judicial oversight. While terms like "false" may seem broad, courts have historically interpreted such language in defamation and fraud cases. Policymakers could adopt similar frameworks, requiring clear standards for labeling content unlawful and mandating due process, such as notice and response opportunities before removal.
Content-removal powers exist in various countries to address urgent threats. Singapore's Online Safety Code (2023) empowers the Infocomm Media Development Authority to compel social media platforms to remove "egregious content", fining violators up to SGD 1 million. The tiered approach, bolstered by the Online Criminal Harms Act, includes pre-emptive orders, judicial review, and appeals. Alongside POFMA's correction directives against disinformation, annual reports maintain transparency, and exemptions prevent blanket censorship. This calibrated model, akin to Germany's Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG), offers a blueprint for Pakistan's PECA 2025. A similar model in Pakistan, incorporating a tiered response - from warnings to outright blocking - could deter harmful activities without imposing blanket censorship. Transparent procedures and appeal pathways would allay fears that the government could silence dissent arbitrarily.
Debates around enlisting social media platforms focus on preventing discriminatory enforcement. By publicising uniform standards - based on user numbers, content volume, or operational scope - the law can lessen suspicions of capricious decisions. If platforms can appeal a refusal or removal, the process becomes fairer. Many jurisdictions require platforms to adhere to local regulations without entirely stifling innovation, suggesting a balanced approach that involves stakeholder consultation.
Government supervision need not inevitably suppress free speech. An inclusive body with representatives from civil society, the judiciary, and industry experts can provide a diversity of perspectives. Statutory autonomy, mandatory reports to parliament, and judicial confirmation for major actions can buttress the idea that this entity serves as an impartial regulator rather than a tool for censorship. Such measures promote transparency and counter concerns about unchecked state control.
Critics of severe penalties worry that journalists may self-censor, fearing lawsuits or steep fines. Proponents argue that penalties are necessary to deter malicious actors who thrive on producing inflammatory and destructive content. A nuanced legal framework could distinguish honest mistakes from deliberate falsehood, offering good-faith exemptions for journalists who diligently verify their information. Stronger sanctions could be reserved for individuals who repeatedly spread proven falsehoods, especially those intended to incite violence or sow confusion.
Although these arguments may appear polarised, they converge on a shared recognition that unchecked fake news and cybercrime can destabilise society and cripple the economy. PECA 2025, if carefully implemented, could preserve civil liberties while curbing digital threats. Achieving this balance depends on explicit definitions, fair procedures, and credible oversight. The law must undergo regular review and refinement to keep pace with rapidly evolving technologies, ensuring it neither becomes toothless nor excessively draconian.
Pakistan's digital trajectory depends on fostering innovation while shielding citizens from harm. By refining PECA 2025 through sustained dialogue among policymakers, tech experts, journalists, and civil society, the nation can craft a model framework that balances freedom and security. Transparent criteria, procedural fairness, and accountability mechanisms will build public trust, ensuring Pakistan's digital future is both dynamic and resilient.
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The contracting parties will provide Computerised National Identity Card (CNIC) by NADRA to the Nikkah registrar. If the person solemnising the Nikkah doesn't obey it, he will be punished up to one year of imprisonment and one hundred thousand rupees fine. The condition of CNIC will also be helpful in curtailing the phenomenon of forced conversion of minority girls to the majority religion, as it will decrease the chances on manipulating the age. If a male above eighteen years contracts a child marriage, his imprisonment will be two to three years along with a fine. Any form of cohabitation before the age of eighteen years in a child marriage is child abuse and the punishment for any person who induces, forces, persuades, entices or coerces any child bride or child groom to engage in cohabitation will be punished with 5 to 7 years of imprisonment or/and at least fine of a million. 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The Sindh Child Marriages Restraint Act, 2013 makes underage marriage a cognizable and non-compoundable offence. This means that the police can take action on their own to arrest offenders upon any information, and no private conciliatory deals can be made between families, communities or jirgas to bypass the law. The Punjab Marriage Restraint (Amendment) Act, 2015 still permits girls to be married at 16 while the legal age of boys is 18 years and above. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan continue to be governed by the 1929 Act where minimum marriageable age for girls in 16 years and for boys is 18 years. Furthermore, it is imperative to adhere to international conventions such as the UNCRC and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) where the minimum age for marriage is 18 years. Pakistan's commitment to these treaties necessitates taking proactive measures to combat child marriage and protect women's rights. Pakistan is obligated to align national laws with the ratified conventions and to implement these laws. The approval of the new law is at an important time when Pakistan's 6th and 7th combined periodic reports will be reviewed by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. This development will be observed positively by the Committee, as it shows Pakistan's inclination to satisfy earlier recommendations Under the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), countries around the world, including Pakistan, have pledged to end marriages before age 18 by the year 2030. Goal 5 of the SDGs focuses on gender equality and includes target 5.3 to end child marriages. What next? An inclusive set of legal, policy and administrative measures is required to combat child marriages in the country. The following steps are urgently required to save children from the nuisance of child marriage. The Federal Government should make rules for ICT Child Marriage Restraint Act, 2025 without wasting any time. The remaining provinces and territories should take action without delay in passing similar laws—ensuring that no child is subjected to the injustice of child marriage. The Christian Marriage (Amendment) Act, 2024 has been passed in the National Assembly and its current jurisdiction is limited to ICT. All the Provincial Assemblies should immediately submit a resolution as per Article 144 of the Constitution of Pakistan and adopt it in their respective provinces after due process. The Hindu Marriage Act 2017 was promulgated under Article 144 of the Constitution of Pakistan and is applicable in ICT, Punjab, Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Province Sindh has its own law. The age of marriage is 18 years and above according to these laws. Minorities' Personal Laws override the related laws of the respective territories, provinces where the marriageable age of the girl child is sixteen years, will not be implemented to Hindu girls. Just administrative measures are required for the implementation. For implementation of the Punjab Sikh Anand Karaj Marriage Act 2018 a set of administrative measures is required. A vibrant local government system should be in place to work with Anand Karaj Registrar and the Sangat to register the marriage. Local government bodies must be empowered to ensure that legal safeguards are implemented in letter and spirit. Special safeguards will be needed for any out-standing victims of child marriage. Their protection, privacy, confidentiality, restitution, trauma healing, rehabilitation and fair legal participation must be prioritised. There must be pro bono legal facilities and expedited procedures before, during and post-trial. The state and government personnel (judges, police, medical officers, etc.) involved during the reporting, investigation and prosecution of child marriage cases should be sensitised and held accountable on the issue. All human rights institutions and civil society organisations must support the cause and advocate for the enactment of robust child protection laws. A nationwide campaign can help raise awareness on the damaging effects of child marriages. The public should be made aware of the harms associated with such practices, as well as punitive laws pertaining to child marriages and related crimes. Parents need to be more sensitive regarding child protection so that their children are not victims of pedophilia and child sexual abuse. To combat child marriages, education for every child is a must. This will help enable our future generations to live healthier and freer lives in a more thriving Pakistan. Nabila Feroz Bhatti is a human rights activist and columnist. She is Member Working Group at National Commission on the Rights of Child. She can be connected at nabilaferoz@ or on X: @NabilaFBhatti All facts and information are the sole responsibility of the author