
Netanyahu is committing a strategic blunder that will alienate the world
But the Israelis enter without an exit plan, with the mad dream of constructing a friendly civil administration, repeating the exact same mistakes we made in Iraq. Netanyahu thinks he can destroy a revolutionary Palestinian spirit that the war has likely intensified. For a man obsessed with the ancient world, he has a scant grasp of history.
He has also divided his military. He has alienated those hostage families who are frightened their relatives might die. And he will finally, perhaps irrevocably, isolate Israel from world opinion. Even in America, the only serious power behind him, patience and conscience are under remarkable pressure.
Gaza has become the moral test of our times, and European governments suspect they've failed it. Their initial caution was understandable. They didn't want to condemn Netanyahu lest it give courage to domestic anti-Semites and their snowflake enablers – let alone to Hamas, the principal beneficiary were we to recognise a Palestinian state. Journalists, myself included, were reluctant to parrot death statistics that might be inflated by a criminal regime.
But it's now impossible to ignore the evidence of human suffering or the sham of the official Israeli narrative t hat says no one is starving or, if they are, it's because Hamas stole all the food. The latter claim was recently debunked by Israeli military officials – not natural allies of Palestine Action – and Netanyahu finds himself challenged by a rainbow coalition of the United Nations, Germany, China, a former Israeli prime minister, several retired heads of security, the Pope and Piers Morgan (sublime and the ridiculous united at last).
Bibi is reported to have argued with General Eyal Zamir, the chief-of-staff of the armed forces. It seems Right-wing Israelis are more willing to take a stand against Netanyahu than nervous foreign diplomats are. If Zamir is anti-Semitic, the Pope's not a Catholic.
In the United States, the New York Times, hitherto soft on the Gaza operation, has become a forum for dissenting voices, and Zohran Mamdani, the pro-Gaza candidate for New York mayor, leads among Jewish voters. Liberals are rethinking their historical alliances; there is disquiet on the religious Right, too. Evangelicals will always love Israel: it's Jesus's hometown. There's growing concern, however, that Israel might not be so hot on Christians.
In July, settlers carried out an arson attack on the last Christian-majority town in the West Bank. That same month, Gaza's only Catholic church was hit by Israeli tank fire, killing three (Netanyahu apologised for what looks like a genuine accident). 'Desecrating a church, mosque or synagogue is a crime against humanity and God,' wrote the US ambassador, Mike Huckabee, a Christian Zionist. Senator Lindsey Graham, also of that parish, said, 'What's happening in the West Bank bothers the hell out of me.'
A cynic might detect more bother at the damage to Christian property than there ever was at the flattening of Muslim hospitals, a double-standard as old as sin. Why did Britain throw open its doors to almost anyone with a Ukrainian passport yet appears reluctant even to admit children from Gaza? Ethnic preference. On the other side of the fence, Israel can argue that it is a multi-faith society doing its best to protect the Druze in Syria, while Palestine has so few churches for a sinister reason. Christians enjoy far more rights under Israel than they would under Hamas.
Nevertheless, reports of atrocities during the Iraq civil war woke US Christians up to the perilous state of their faith in the Middle East, reduced to a tiny population dependent upon benign neglect within a threadbare ethnic tapestry. Netanyahu threatens to disrupt that fragile order, while his governing coalition imagines a 'Greater Israel' that hints at cultural chauvinism. The regime is overplaying its hand, transforming the civil rights case for Zionism (Jews need a homeland) into an open-ended military endeavour that is infinitely more controversial and expensive.
If Trump is reluctant to bankroll the borders of Ukraine, why would he do it for Israel? The compromise of America's interests and reputation has already begun with the US-backed food distribution programme – accused of gross inefficiency, even of soldiers firing at civilians.
Trump's connection with Israel is heartfelt. It is personal, it is philosophical. Netanyahu's belief that nations have the right to defend themselves, is a Zionist Maga. One of the administration's first acts was to lift sanctions on settlers. Within months, settlers had beaten a US citizen to death in the West Bank; a second died following an arson attack.
The President is no moralist but he has a healthy moral gag reflex, hence when asked if Palestinians are starving, he said, yeah, they probably are – influenced, it seems, by Keir Starmer. Netanyahu demanded a conversation; Trump reportedly disliked being lectured about fake news and shouted down the phone that the hunger is real.
Hail to the chief. His observation to journalists that 'we basically have two countries that have been fighting so long and so hard that they don't know what the fuck they're doing,' remains the single best expression of global frustration I've heard, worth chiseling onto Mount Sinai. And if Trump is some kind of liberal snowflake, maybe the Pope is a Lutheran.
Trumpism hinges on the strategic realignment: get America out of places it doesn't need to be, let strong allies fill the vacuum. But Netanyahu is forcing upon him the most intractable, expensive problem of all, a humanitarian crisis, and he'll only make it worse if Gaza City is next.
Will Trump really tolerate such an escalation? Will his constituency – starting to contend with its Christian conscience – forgive the bloody consequences? The Israelis have always advised Palestinians that if they don't want to be killed, they should just pack up and move. But as the war completes its hideous march to the Mediterranean Sea, one wonders where they are supposed to go. There's only so much room on Greta's yacht.
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The National
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SNP councillor hits back at 'lie' he defected to Reform UK
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The Guardian
2 hours ago
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Western journalists are failing to stand up for their colleagues in Gaza
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This shameful hypocrisy of western, and especially US, media has been laid bare by Israel's targeting of journalists since the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack. Journalists have the same protection as civilians under international law, which considers the targeted killing of journalists a war crime. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) says that 192 journalists have been killed since 7 October – 184 of them Palestinians killed by Israel. Of the Palestinians killed, the CPJ found that at least 26 were deliberatively targeted for their work as journalists, but the group couldn't determine whether others were killed specifically for their work. Other organizations put the number of media workers killed in Gaza even higher, with a recent study by the Costs of War project at Brown University finding that at least 232 were killed as of late March. In one of its starkest conclusions, the report found that more journalists have been killed in Gaza than in the US civil war, both world wars, the Korean war, the Vietnam war, the wars in Yugoslavia and the US war in Afghanistan combined. You would think such shocking figures would galvanize news organizations and journalists around the world to condemn Israel's targeting of their Palestinian colleagues. But US news outlets have been largely quiet, compared, for example, with the crusade many of them supported to free the Wall Street Journal correspondent Evan Gershkovich after he was arrested and accused of espionage by Russia in March 2023. Major news organizations framed their reporting around the idea that Gershkovich had been wrongfully detained by Russia and convicted in a sham trial on fabricated charges. Yet these same news organizations are often unwilling to view Palestinian journalists as worthy of the same benefit of the doubt, and protection, against Israeli threats and smears. The Israeli military began threatening al-Sharif, the Al Jazeera correspondent killed on Sunday, in November 2023, when he reported receiving multiple calls from Israeli military officials telling him to stop his work and leave Gaza. A month later, al-Sharif's 90-year-old father was killed in an Israeli airstrike on the family's home. Israel then deployed its well-worn playbook, accusing al-Sharif of being a 'terrorist', as it has done with other Palestinian journalists that it later killed, without providing credible evidence. In October 2024, the Israeli military claimed that al-Sharif was among six Al Jazeera journalists, all reporting from Gaza at the time, who were current or former members of either Hamas or Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Al Jazeera, along with press advocacy groups, viewed the accusations as a potential death sentence against the six journalists, one of whom was killed by Israel in March. The Israeli military's smear campaign against al-Sharif intensified last month, after his harrowing reporting on Israel's siege and starvation of Gaza went viral, including one broadcast where he cried on air as a woman walking behind him collapsed from hunger. (I recently spent six weeks in my home country, Lebanon, often watching Al Jazeera's coverage, and it was clear to me that al-Sharif had become the face of the Gaza war for millions of viewers in the Arab world.) In fact, the CPJ was so alarmed by the Israeli threats against al-Sharif that it issued a statement last month saying it was 'gravely worried' about his safety and urging his protection. But those pleas did not resonate in most US or other western newsrooms. There have been few media campaigns or statements of solidarity with Palestinian journalists – compared with similar efforts around Gershkovich and other western correspondents targeted by US adversaries. Major US news organizations have not published open letters in their newspapers calling attention to journalists who are being persecuted for doing their job, as the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal and the Washington Post had done for Gershkovich in May 2024 to mark World Press Freedom Day. Press freedom and protection from persecution, it seems, are limited to western journalists. In 2022, Shireen Abu Akleh, one of Al Jazeera's most prominent correspondents and a Palestinian-American, was killed by an Israeli soldier while reporting in the West Bank. Yet Joe Biden's administration refused to hold Israel accountable for Abu Akleh's killing. Biden's impotence sharpened Israel's sense of impunity. 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The irony, of course, is that once foreign reporters are allowed into Gaza, most of them will rely heavily on Palestinian journalists, translators and other 'fixers' who often do the brunt of work for western correspondents. That's one secret of foreign coverage in much of the legacy western media: it's built on the unseen, and largely uncredited, work of local journalists and fixers. With no foreign reporters allowed into Gaza, Palestinian journalists like Anas al-Sharif have been able to tell their own people's story directly to the world. And Israel is methodically killing them for it, while many of their western colleagues and international journalistic institutions remain shamefully silent. Mohamad Bazzi is director of the Hagop Kevorkian Center for Near Eastern Studies and a journalism professor at New York University. He is the former Middle East bureau chief at Newsday


The Guardian
3 hours ago
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Israeli media ‘completely ignored' Gaza starvation – is that finally changing?
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Except for a few newspapers such as the leftwing Haaretz, she said, 'all the other mainstream media completely ignored what's going on on the Palestinian side – the human casualties there, the numbers of children killed in this war. The Israeli audience simply did not see that at all.' In the past few weeks, the growing focus on the issue in the international media has led to some Israeli newspapers and TV channels reporting on hunger in Gaza for the first time, albeit as a debatable issue. Since the Hamas-led attacks of 7 October 2023, public debate in Israel has largely centred on national security, the plight of the Israeli hostages captured by Hamas, and the country's military goals in Gaza. In that climate, the humanitarian disaster caused by the Israeli assault on Gaza has tended to occupy a marginal place in the minds of many Jewish Israelis, who largely view the conflict as a legitimate act of self-defence in response to Hamas's attacks – although polls also show a clear majority want a deal with Hamas to end the war in exchange for the freedom of the remaining Israeli hostages. Media analysts say Israel's main broadcasters have largely embraced the narrative of a government described as the most far-right in the country's history. For months, the Israeli media have responded to international outrage by focusing on Israeli claims that the widespread hunger documented by numerous aid agencies is 'a Hamas-orchestrated starvation campaign' – summed up by Benjamin Netanyahu's claim last month: 'There is no policy of starvation in Gaza, and there is no starvation in Gaza.' According to UN World Food Programme, one-third of the Palestinian population in Gaza is going for days without eating, and half a million are on the brink of starvation. 'The worst-case scenario of famine is currently playing out in the Gaza Strip,' the UN-backed group the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) said last month, calling for an urgent ceasefire to alleviate 'widespread starvation'. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), another five people died last week due to malnutrition and starvation, bringing the total number of malnutrition-related deaths to 227, including 103 children, since October 2023. Even Donald Trump, Netanyahu's key international ally, when asked if he agreed with the Israeli PM on the issue, said: 'I don't know … those children look very hungry … that's real starvation stuff.' In a rare press conference with foreign journalists in Jerusalem last Sunday, Netanyahu displayed photographs of skeletal children in Gaza and dismissed them as fake, claiming they were part of a Hamas plot to attack Israel. He compared these images with a photograph of the Israeli hostage Evyatar David released by the Palestinian militant group early in August, pointing out that while the man held in Gaza appeared to be starving to death, the arm of a Hamas fighter visible in the frame looked strong and muscular. The implication was clear, according to the prime minister: the fighters of Hamas were eating well and keeping food from the Israeli hostages and from the public of Gaza. Saragusti said: 'Despite images of emaciated children published by major newspapers around the world, Israel pushed back. And Israeli media outlets adopted the narrative set out by the Israeli leadership, insisting that there is no starvation in Gaza.' As Etan Nechin, Haaretz's New York correspondent, wrote: 'After Netanyahu lost the election to Ehud Barak in 1999, reporters heard him say: 'When I return, I'll have my own media outlet.'' Today, two major media organisations are known for their backing of Netanyahu: Israel Hayom, the free daily owned by the family of the late Sheldon Adelson, the US Republican mega-donor; and Channel 14, a right-leaning broadcaster that went on air in 2014. 'They changed Israel's media landscape, and in the years that followed, a plethora of new hard-right outlets were established,' said Nechin. Although Israel appears to exist within its own bubble, shielded by a narrative that leaves no room for the suffering of people in Gaza, thousands of demonstrators who recently filled the streets of Tel Aviv are now urging the government to halt the atrocities against the Palestinians. 'I think it is horrendous what is happening in Gaza,' said Lenny Kadmon, 19. 'I think that the main reason not everyone here is against it is because most people find it too difficult or too scary to look at themselves and at what we do in Gaza.' Gal Alkalay, 28, said: 'I come here to protest in Tel Aviv every weekend. We ask our PM to end the war. Only in this way we can end the starvation in Gaza and the return of our hostages.' And yet, despite a growing number of Israeli intellectuals using the word 'genocide' to describe their government's actions in Gaza – as the award-winning author David Grossman did just a fortnight ago – analysts say they remain a small minority. In Jerusalem, where tensions between Arabs and Israelis are sharper, the majority of Jewish residents continue to align themselves with the narrative of Israel's political leadership. Asked what she thought of the suffering of Palestinian children in Gaza, Myriam Israel, 34, said: 'I think people should also see the suffering of our children terrorised by Hamas. But the world thinks only about children of Gaza. I think Hamas needs to think about their own children. And we need to think about the security of our country.' Zalman Coleman, 21, said: 'All you have to do is use your brain five seconds and you can see that Hamas's ultimate aim is to get that number [of deaths] as high as possible. And then from that, turn the whole world's face against Israel. [In this conflict] the media had so much potential to do so much good in the world. But they chose fake news.' Since the Hamas-led attacks of 2023, Israel has almost completely barred foreign journalists from entering Gaza – an unprecedented move in the history of modern conflict, marking one of the rare moments that reporters have been denied access to an active war zone. Reporters Without Borders and the Committee to Protect Journalists have formally called for Gaza to be opened to foreign media, warning that current measures severely undermine press freedom. Many argue that the Israeli ban is a deliberate tactic to restrict independent scrutiny, limit international visibility of the conflict, and thus control the narrative. 'The only way to enter Gaza and cover the war is to embed in Israeli army units,' said Saragusti – and even that is rarely allowed. 'There is no independent press in Gaza. There are only the Palestinian journalists, who many of them have been killed. Israel claims that there is no starvation but doesn't let the foreign press in to check by itself whether there is starvation or not.' Up to now, she added, 'the press blockade has succeeded very well in its goal'.