What beauty companies are selling to kids
It's not an exaggeration to say that Jessica DeFino transformed my relationship with skincare. After reading her newsletter, The Review of Beauty, I started questioning the purported 'anti-aging' benefits of the products I was putting on my face and asked myself what it meant to buy into a philosophy of 'anti-aging' in the first place. DeFino has probably saved me thousands of dollars on skincare.
I am, however, aging. The newest target audience for beauty advertising is decades younger than me: the teens, tweens, and even younger kids flocking to brands like Evereden. And despite some movement toward body positivity since I was a teenager, it feels like young people are growing up in a world with more exacting beauty standards than ever, from viral challenges that pressure them to work on their bodies all the time to ultra-normalized plastic surgery to weird ideas about guys' eyelashes. To be young today is to be bombarded with a dizzying variety of messages about your own beauty or ugliness, coming from some of the world's biggest companies as well as from influencers who are ostensibly your peers.
To help me unpack all this, I reached out to DeFino, who got her start as an editor on the Kardashian-Jenner beauty apps, then became disillusioned with the beauty industry and evolved into one of its most incisive and influential critics. In a conversation that has been condensed and edited, she and I talked about MAGA beauty, the potential harms of slathering your skin with retinol at age 8, and why helping young people push back against our disordered beauty culture has to start with examining our own anxieties.
Kids' interest in skincare is often portrayed as fun or harmless, DeFino told me. But beauty 'is a multibillion-dollar industry that is built on insecurity, whose physical products and procedures often have very serious physical consequences, whose messaging has very serious psychological consequences,' she said. 'We must take it seriously.'
How common is it for kids to be using skincare products that once would have been marketed to adults? And how big of a business is skincare for young people?
It's a huge business right now. US households with 6- to 12-year-olds spent 27 percent more on skincare in 2023 versus the year before. Beauty spending among teens increased 23 percent year over year. I don't have this year's statistics in front of me, but I would say it's a very powerful growth sector for the industry.
More brands that were formerly targeted toward adults are expanding to target teens and tweens. And at the same time, we have a lot more beauty brands entering the market that are specifically meant for infants, babies, tweens, teenagers. A year or two ago, Dior launched the Dior baby lines, which included skincare and perfume for babies. I swipe through TikTok or Instagram, and I will see mothers putting sheet masks on their 1-year-old babies, 2-year-old toddlers.
There's this really interesting trend that started a while ago on TikTok, where moms will hand their babies different beauty products and see if they know intuitively what to do with them. It is fascinating to see these 1-, 2-, 3-year-olds know exactly what to do with the blush brush or a serum or eyebrow pencil.
Why has this been happening? Why are we seeing these expansions into younger markets?
First of all, I think the collapse of age-appropriate spaces and age-appropriate media has been a huge factor. Just speaking from personal experience, growing up, there were a lot of teen- and tween-focused magazines. There were TV channels where the shows and the commercials were geared towards a specific age group.
As media collapses and everything moves online and more into social media, we're all hanging out in the same spaces. It's very easy for a child to get adult content on their 'For You' page. And it's very easy for adults to be fed this teen and tween content to get outraged about.
How many stories were there about the Sephora tweens? Which really only fed the trend.
There's also basic everyday capitalism: The market always needs to expand. In the past couple of years, especially, we've seen it expand not only to children, but to women who are 70 and 80, who are getting these full-body makeover routines. We're seeing more and more young boys and men becoming interested in cosmetic interventions as well. This is not only a phenomenon for young girls. The market is really saturating every demographic right now.
Filters on social media are created with cultural beauty standards in mind. Young girls might not necessarily be conscious of the fact that, like, I want to look younger, so I'm going to be using retinol or anti-aging creams. But they might be saying, I want to look just like that filter, and that filter is created with standards that prioritize looking very smooth, no lines, no wrinkles, no pores. I think the AI beauty standard and the standard of anti-aging actually share a lot of surface-level qualities.
What are the medical or physical implications of using a lot of skincare, especially with active ingredients like retinoids, if you're super young?
There are a ton of potential physical consequences the more beauty products you are putting on your face, and that goes for all ages, but especially for younger people whose skin is still developing and can be more vulnerable to potential issues.
This new study from Northwestern Medicine looked at the skincare routines of children and teens on TikTok, specifically ages 7 to 18, and how those might damage their skin long term. There's an average of 11 potentially irritating active ingredients in the skincare routines in these videos, and some potential consequences of that are making the skin more sensitive to sunlight, which of course increases your risk of skin cancer over time; allergies; and dermatitis, which is an inflammatory condition. Any inflammation that can arise from that can also trigger psoriasis, rosacea, eczema, acne.
Anything that you put on your skin affects the environment of bacteria that actually is there to keep the skin safe and healthy and functioning. Interfering with the skin barrier and the microbiome by layering on product after product after product can — for anyone of any age — make you dry or oily or dehydrated or sensitized. But particularly in the case of babies, there have been studies linking the overuse of soaps and scented products to developing eczema that carries on throughout a child's whole life.
What about the psychological and emotional aspects being initiated into this skincare industrial complex from a young age?
The most basic place to start is just to look at the data that we have for how beauty standards affect everyone who is subject to them. We have really strong data that shows that the pressure to adhere to a particular appearance ideal increases instances of appearance-related anxiety, depression, facial dysmorphia, body dysmorphia, disordered eating, obsessive product use and overuse, self-harm, and even suicide. Personally, I think the risks are even higher when you are indoctrinated into beauty culture at younger ages. The psyche is still as vulnerable as the skin is at that point. The younger you internalize a lesson like, I must look XYZ way in order to be beautiful, the harder it is to challenge that later in life.
I also think a lot of it reinforces gender essentialism and these ideas of traditional femininity and traditional masculinity that have other sorts of consequences beyond one's own psychological health. These reinforce the conditions of a very oppressive society that believes women should act one way and look one way, and if you don't, you're not good, or you're not a woman, or you're not living up to your biological destiny.
Since you brought up gender roles, I'm sure you've seen the discourse around MAGA beauty and conservative 'chic.' I'm curious if you think some of these politicized beauty standards are trickling down to young people.
I do, and I don't actually think that's out of the ordinary. What we're seeing in, for example, Evie, which is sort of a right-leaning women's magazine, these are the lessons that are embedded in all sorts of mainstream beauty culture, whether a brand is coded as conservative or liberal. It's hitting in a different way now that conservatives are saying this out in the open, but these conservative messages are sort of the hidden messages in almost all beauty content that suggests you should look different than the way you currently look in order to be beautiful or healthy or happy or worthy.
If outrage about Sephora tweens just feeds into more marketing, what is a good social response to some of the trends that we're seeing?
When we see our adult behaviors mirrored back to us by children, we can see some of the absurdity of it, and we can see some of the danger of it. I don't think the correct or useful response is to be like, Okay, we've got to stop young girls from doing this. We have to look at ourselves.
We have to look at the adult beauty culture that we have created and we're participating in and we're perpetuating. And if we don't think that is something for a young girl to see or to participate in, we have to be part of the project of dismantling that, not just for young girls, but for all women.
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Rehab can keep you out of jail — but become a prison itself
Chris Koon didn't read the fine print. Sitting in the Cenikor Baton Rouge rehab center's intake office in 2015, flanked by his mom and grandmother, he signed where told. 'A lot of it read like legalese,' writes Shoshana Walter in 'Rehab: An American Scandal' (Simon & Schuster, Aug. 12). 'Incomprehensible but also innocuous, like something you might see before downloading an app on your phone.' Koon felt lucky. He wasn't going to prison. Just days earlier, he'd been arrested for meth possession. The alternative to five years in state prison? A brutal two-year Cenikor inpatient program. Koon took the deal. In signing the intake documents, he agreed to 'receive no monetary compensation' for work he did, with wages going 'directly back to the Foundation.' He signed away his right to workers' compensation if injured. He forfeited his food stamps, disability payments and any other government assistance. And he agreed to 'adopt appropriate morals and values as promoted by the program.' 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As Walter writes, this legacy has been repackaged for the modern drug crisis. The Affordable Care Act promised expanded treatment access through Medicaid. But the rehab industry that exploded in response was lightly regulated, profit-driven and increasingly dangerous. The result: thousands of people like Chris Koon, lured into treatment by courts, cops or family members, only to find themselves stuck in a system that looked less like therapy and more like punishment. They include women like April Lee, a black woman from Philadelphia. Despite growing up in addiction's long shadow — her mother died from AIDS when Lee was just a teenager, after years of selling sex to support a crack habit — Lee didn't start using drugs herself until after having her second child, when a doctor prescribed her Percocet for back pain. That opened the door to addiction. Child-welfare authorities eventually took her kids. Fellow users nicknamed her 'Mom' and 'Doc' for her uncanny ability to find usable veins, no matter how damaged. April Lee returned to her recovery house — as an unpaid house monitor. April Lee / ACLU She entered recovery in 2016. Every morning at 6, 18 women gathered in the dining room of one of two overcrowded houses to read from the Bible. Lee stayed 10 months. With nowhere else to go, she returned — this time as a house monitor, working without pay in exchange for a bed. 'She was still early into recovery, and she felt stressed by the intensity of the job,' Walter writes. 'On top of that, she wasn't getting a paycheck, so she couldn't save up money to leave.' 'Don't really know how to feel right now,' Lee wrote in her journal. 'The lady I work for — for free, mind you — wont me to watch over women witch mean I have to stay in every night.' She felt physically and emotionally trapped. 'I wanted to snap this morning. Miss my children so much.' Like so many others, Lee found herself stuck in the recovery-house loop — forced to work, unable to leave and earning nothing. She helped with chores, mainly cooking and cleaning. Residents' food stamps stocked the kitchen. Lee loved to cook, and she made comfort food for the house: mac and cheese, fried chicken, beef stew. But all the warmth she gave others couldn't buy her a way out. For others, like Koon, it was about more than just forced labor. During his first 30 days at Cenikor, the other patients policed each other. If one person broke a rule, the entire group might be punished with a 'fire drill' in the middle of the night. 'If anyone stepped out of line or did something wrong during the drill, they'd have to stay awake even longer,' Walter writes. Discipline was obsessive. In his first month, Koon sat in a classroom with about 30 other residents, most sent by courts like he was, reciting rules out loud, line by line. There were more than 100. 'He could get in trouble for not having a pen, not wearing a belt, for an untied shoelace, for leaving a book on the table, for his shirt coming untucked,' Walter details. Koon learned the punishment system fast. A common one was 'the verbal chair,' in which any participant could order him to sit, arms locked and knees at a 90-degree angle, and stare silently at the wall while others screamed at him. 'Go have a seat in the verbal chair. Think about having your shirt untucked,' they'd say. And Koon, like everyone else, was expected to respond, 'Thank you.' There were others. 'Mirror therapy,' where he'd stand and yell his failings at himself in the mirror. 'The dishpan,' where he'd be dressed in a neon-green shirt, scrubbing floors and dishes while loudly reciting the Cenikor philosophy, 'a paragraph-long diatribe about self-change,' Walter writes. And the dreaded 'verbal haircut,' when another resident, sometimes even a staff member, would berate him as part of his treatment. Dressed up as a therapeutic community, Koon thought instead, 'This is like a cult.' Walter believes he wasn't far off. Everyone was required to tattle. Koon had to turn in weekly at least 10 'pull-ups' — written reports detailing rule infractions committed by fellow residents. If he didn't, he could lose points and with them privileges like phone calls, family visits or permission to grow a mustache. Confrontations were public and ritualized: Residents would sit in a circle around one or two people forced to listen as everyone else denounced them. 'They took turns confronting that person, professing their faults and errors, while the person was permitted only to say 'thank you,'' Walter writes. Staff called it 'The Game.' He saw grown men cry. He heard women called bitches and sluts. He realized many employees were former participants enforcing the system that once broke them. Not everyone saw a problem. Many in the legal system embraced tough-love rehab programs, especially judges looking for alternatives to jail. One of Cenikor's biggest champions was Judge Larry Gist, who ran one of the first drug courts, in Jefferson County, Texas, in the 1990s. 'The vast majority of folks that I deal with are basically bottom-feeders,' Gist told the author. 'They've been losers since the day they were born.' Cenikor's extreme model was ideal for 'the right people,' he believed. Cenikor rewarded such loyalty, giving judges and lawmakers steak dinners served by participants and annual awards banquets, complete with gleaming, diamond-shaped trophies. Gist 'proudly displayed his' in 'his chambers, where he liked to host his happy hours with prosecutors and defense attorneys.' Koon was booted out of Cenikor after just two years, for faking a urine sample and contracting a contagious staph infection, but managed to stay sober on his own. He proposed to his childhood sweetheart, Paige, moving in with her two daughters, and finding the stability he'd been chasing for years. He went back to school to learn welding, and the daily rhythms of family life kept him grounded. 'He hasn't taken a drug recreationally for eight years,' Walter writes. Lee's path out took longer, and her recovery was, as Walter writes, 'in some ways a stroke of luck.' She left the house after landing a job at a law firm that helped women reunite with their children in foster care — a world away from the nights she'd once spent tricking at the Blue Moon Hotel but one that barely covered her bills and pushed her just over the poverty line, cutting off assistance. She earned her GED, took online college courses, regained custody of her kids and bought her own home by 2021. 'And yet many days she felt she was teetering on the edge, one crisis or unpaid bill away from making a terrible mistake,' Walter writes. That year, she returned to Kensington, where her addiction had once thrived, bringing fresh food and water to people still living on the streets. As for Cenikor, its time in the shadows ended, at least temporarily. Investigators found evidence of exploitation: residents forced to work without pay, unsafe housing conditions, staff-client relationships, even overdoses inside the facilities. The state of Texas fined Cenikor more than $1.4 million in 2019, but the agency struck a settlement, and it continued to operate. Koon and Lee don't represent everyone who's experienced addiction, treatment or recovery. But they do reflect a system that often promises far more than it delivers. 'When rehab works, it can save lives,' Walter writes. 'It can mend families and be among the most redemptive narrative arcs in a person's life.' But sometimes, rehab not only fails to help people, it actively harms them, recycling them through a gauntlet of relapse, shame and risk: 'Despite the rehab industry's many claims, there is no magical cure for addiction.'
