Sinn Féin banned from trans pride march following last-minute meeting with Mary Lou McDonald
SINN FÉIN HAS been banned from taking part in a pride march in Dublin this July over its stance on rights for transgender people, after months of questioning of the party's position on the issue.
It follows extensive efforts by Sinn Féin leadership in meetings with with LGBT+ groups, with party president Mary Lou McDonald meeting with activists yesterday.
Those meetings came on foot of an initial last month by Trans and Intersex Pride Dublin for Sinn Féin to clarify the party's position on the UK Supreme Court and the ban on puberty blockers in Northern Ireland.
The controversy had been sparked by Sinn Féin's
health spokesperson David Cullinane describing a ruling
by the Scottish Supreme Court – that the terms 'woman' and 'sex' in UK equality legislation do not include transgender women – as a 'common sense judgment'.
Trans groups have been strongly critical of the Scottish Supreme Court's findings, with some pointing to a
recent motion by a British doctors union
calling the ruling 'scientifically illiterate'.
In a statement this morning, Trans and Intersex Pride Dublin said Sinn Féin had 'numerous opportunities to explain their position' in recent weeks.
The group cited one-on-one discussions with McDonald as well as a community engagement meeting with the Sinn Féin leader, her Dáil health spokesperson David Cullinane and other LGBT+ organisations across the island.
Explaining this decision, the group said that it was 'not satisfied with the clarity received' around the party's position on a number of issues affecting trans people.
Advertisement
The group said it had engaged with the party 'in order to seek clarity' on their positions on the Scottish Supreme Court ruling in the UK and 'whether it would oppose attempts to implement the ruling in Northern Ireland'.
It also sought a response on whether Sinn Féin would continue to support the decision of the Northern Irish government – where the party' vice president Michelle O'Neill is First Minister – to ban puberty blockers, and whether the party would support a ban on puberty blockers in the Republic.
The group added that it holds the view that a 'real alternative to Fianna Fàil and Fine Gael' must be able to 'firmly stand in solidarity' with the trans community.
'Trans and Intersex Pride Dublin have since made the decision to officially ban Sinn Féin from Trans and Intersex Pride Dublin 2025. We have always banned government parties from joining our March, and we continue to say that Fine Gael, and Fianna Fàil are not welcome, but a real alternative to Fianna Fàil and Fine Gael has to firmly stand in solidarity with the trans community.'
Trans and Intersex Pride Dublin also mentioned a 'Late Late Show interview with Mary Lou McDonald' in which the Dublin Central TD spoke about trans rights in light of her health frontbencher Cullinane's remarks.
While McDonald told host Patrick Kielty that the issue was a very personal one for her given she has a trans sibling, it also caused concern for some party members and LGBT+ groups.
That interview saw McDonald put forward that conversations about the rights of trans people must start from a 'position of respect'. She cautioned that Sinn Féin's position had not changed but said the implications of the UK Supreme Court ruling would need to be studied, particularly for Northern Ireland.
It's understood part of what has concerned LGBT+ groups and some members of Sinn Féin is a belief that the party is maintaining a purposefully 'grey' position on the issue, without offering clear public support.
Earlier this week
,
The Journal
reported that Sinn Féin has seen a number of long-time members leave the party over a belief that the party is set to water down its support for LGBT+ issues, in particular on trans rights.
Concern was heightened by plans for the party to hold a conference this summer specifically to discuss its stance on trans rights. While there has been confusion over when exactly this is due to take place – with some senior sources indicating it would be pushed back to take place next year – it's thought Sinn Féin now intends to hold it in the coming weeks.
Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone...
A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article.
Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation.
Learn More
Support The Journal
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Irish Examiner
an hour ago
- Irish Examiner
Séamas O'Reilly: Many of the tropes of standard Irishness are not universally applied both sides of the border
You might be expecting me, a topical columnist, to give you, the schoolchildren of Ireland, a timely pep talk about the Leaving Cert exams you've just started, perhaps with a stirring tale from my own experience. Sadly, I can't do that because I never did the Leaving Cert. I was raised in Derry, and thus the British school system, so I did A-levels. They are, I'm sure, similar enough to the Leaving Cert that much of my advice would still be relevant, but still different enough that it wouldn't really make much sense to apply them directly to the exams you're sitting now. Such are the slightly odd contradictions of being raised in Northern Ireland and discovering, over many years, that many of the full-fat tropes of standard Irishness are not universally applied both sides of the border. I should be clear up-front that I've never felt any neurosis about this. It would, I suppose, take a lot for someone named Séamas O'Reilly to gain a complex about being insufficiently Irish. Sometimes, however, these complexes are thrust in front of me. Rarely, however, in London, where few locals know, or care, the difference between north and south. Here, it's mostly had a simplifying effect, where I might as well be from Tallaght, Togher, or Twomileborris, if they had any clue where those places were. No, here it's my status as an undercover Brit that surprises people, and has even granted me the opportunity to shock unsuspecting Londoners with my deep knowledge of BBC radio comedy, or British cultural products of our shared yesteryear. More deliciously still, it's also allowed me to correct them when they've called me an immigrant, usually with the attendant undertone that I should complain less about my gracious hosts. When, this week, the Telegraph printed a rabidly scaremongering report that 'White British people will be a minority in 40 years', they clarified this cohort as 'the white British share of the population — defined as people who do not have an immigrant parent'. Leaving aside how garbled that formulation is — there are millions of non-white Brits who meet that definition perfectly — it carried with it a parallel consequence. I myself do not have an immigrant parent. In fact, every single pale and freckled ancestor of mine since 1800, Irish farmers to a soul, was born and raised in something called the United Kingdom. This is true for a large number of Irish people in the North. And since the late Prince Philip was himself a Greek immigrant, it gives me great pleasure to point out that they'd settled on a definition of 'White British' which includes Gerry Adams but excludes King Charles III. The only people who've ever questioned my Irishness — to my face — are other Irish people, admittedly rarely, and almost always in the form of gentle ribbing from the sort of pub comedians who call their straight-haired friend 'Curly'. The type who're fond of hearing me say 'Derry' and asking, reflexively, whether I mean 'Londonderry'. In the time-honoured tradition of any Derry person who's encountered this comment — oh, five or six million times in their life — I simply laugh it off and say I've heard that one before. Similarly, if some irrepressible wit asks a Derry person whether we're in the IRA, we'll tell them that's quite an offensive stereotype, while also peppering the rest of our conversation with vague, disconcerting comments designed to imply that we might indeed be members of a paramilitary organisation and that they should, therefore, stop talking to us. For the most part, I regard my British birth certificate and UK-system schooling as a mundane quirk of my fascinating personal biography. I am, in fact, confident enough in my identity that tabulating concrete differences between the North and South has simply become something of a hobby. The Leaving Cert is one such mystery. I gather that it involves every student in Ireland taking tests in about 760 subjects, crammed into the same time I was given to learn four. And that you must take Irish throughout the entirety of your schooling, so that you can emerge from 13 straight years of daily instruction in the language, cursing the fact you never got a chance to learn it. I know, vaguely, that some part of this learning involves a book about — by? — a woman named Peig, and that the very mention of her name inspires tens of thousands of Irish people my age to speak in tones of awe, nostalgia, mockery and reverence, always in English. Of course, almost all facets of the Irish school system are exotic to me. I feel that no finer term has ever been coined for small children than 'senior infants' but I've no idea what age it could possibly apply to. I know that there is such a thing as a transition year, but not what that means, precisely, still less what it's for. I know that summer holidays are different, namely that they're longer than what we get up North. I primarily know this because I grew up on the border and suffered the cruel indignity of marching off to school each June, in full sight of my friends eight feet away in Donegal, who seemed to have summer holidays that lasted about eight months of the year. I was told, perhaps erroneously, that this period of glorious leisure stems from the days when kids were expected to be at home on the farm, and the school calendar augmented so as to enable the nation-sustaining pyramid of child labour this demanded. I saw no sign of this in the few kids I'd spy from the bus window as I was conveyed to class, idling on deck chairs and inflating beach balls in the driving rain. Know that you have this glorious reward in your near future, if you're worried about the exams you've just begun. I hope the few you've started have already gone well. Take solace. Be unafraid. By my count, there's just 740 more to go. Read More Colm O'Regan: Cleaning the house can both spark joy and cause a panic


Irish Independent
11 hours ago
- Irish Independent
‘Insulting' level in Cork of vacancy rates with 495 council houses currently empty
Sinn Féin TD for Cork North Central, Thomas Gould slammed the government for allowing public homes to lie empty during the current housing emergency. 'There is nothing more insulting to those impacted by the Housing Emergency than the sight of a perfectly good home left empty. 'Each of these homes should have a family living in them, children growing up in those four walls. Instead, these homes are empty, and children are growing up in hotels. 'That is beyond scandalous,' Mr Gould said. The data was released to Sinn Féín by Cork City Council via Freedom of Information. 'Families in Cork are crying out for homes while perfectly good homes have been left to rot. We know that these cause dumping and anti-social behaviour. 'They stigmatise decent communities and for people in Cork they are a constant reminder of the government's failures,' he added. The data also confirms that 150 council houses are currently vacant in Cork county, with 114 houses empty for up to 12 months. 99 homes have been vacant in Cork city for longer than two years. 'Cork City and County Councils should be funded to do their job. Instead, red-tape and bureaucracy coupled with underfunding leave homes empty for years in Cork. '99 homes in Cork city have been empty for longer than 2 years. This is a scandal,' he added. Mr Gould said a Sinn Féin government would 'not stop' until long-term vacancy in council homes is ended. 'I can guarantee that a Sinn Féin government would not stop until long-term vacancy in Council homes has been ended. 'We would cut the red tape and end the bureaucracy. 'We would do everything to ensure that nobody watches homes rot while they cannot access secure accommodation,' he concluded. On June 21, members of the Raise the Roof campaign will take to the streets of Cork for a housing protest. The Raise the Roof campaign includes a wide group of organisations including political parties, unions who represent older people, students, families and people with disabilities. Protesters are asked to meet at the National Monument on Grand Parade at 2pm.


Irish Times
21 hours ago
- Irish Times
There's never been a better time for a left alliance - if they don't fall out first
A left government led by Mary Lou McDonald , Holly Cairns and Ivana Bacik would represent practical politics. The biggest obstacle to success is a split. But there is a mountain to climb electorally and the next general election, likely to happen in 2029, is some way over the horizon. Sinn Féin , the Social Democrats and Labour understand that as opposition, they failed to offer an alternative before the last election, with the result that an unloved Government limps on. Ironically, it was the Government that unified the opposition. Allowing backbench Regional Group TDs to simultaneously enjoy the opportunities of opposition and the privileges of Government was a stunt too far. Their instant unity was more surprising given the Seanad election which had just concluded. That particular election was a tale of some deals done, other offers rebuffed, and promises broken among the larger left parties and the Greens. But that's politics. It is always tomorrow that counts. READ MORE The result is that we have a more focused opposition and that will matter for the Government. The Robert Tressell Festival in Dublin's Liberty Hall last month was a platform for left unity. Robert Tressell was the pen name of the real-life Irish house painter Robert Noonan, who wrote the great book The Ragged-Trousered Philanthropists. At the festival, there were positive expressions of intent about forging a closer bond. McDonald said the left can take the Government on and offer a 'real alternative'. Labour's Marie Sherlock said the general election had been a kind of own goal for the left, adding that a common left platform was needed to oust a 'semi-permanent centre-right government'. Sinéad Gibney had more to say on the same theme for the Social Democrats. But it was Socialist TD Ruth Coppinger who talked about alternative politics, not just an alternative government, when she said 'a common left platform has to be a challenge to capitalism and the ideas of capitalism'. She was on her own on that. The centre has not held since 2020 because neither Fianna Fáil nor Fine Gael are an alternative government to the other None of Sinn Féin, Social Democrats or Labour have ruled out going into government with Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael. They want the Government parties out, of course, but a test of mettle will be their willingness to burn the bridge to coalition with what passes for centre-right politics in Ireland. The ambient lighting on the left is redder now, but the mood remains tentative. Before the last election, Davy, the stockbroker group, told its clients that Sinn Féin was ' more New Labour than Corbyn Labour '. In fact, it's a populist, nationalist party. It might, if it sticks to its new script, be the centre of a left-wing coalition. This is because, to the discomfort of some in Labour, the Social Democrats are prepared to stand in the picture with Sinn Féin. The Social Democrats are a party of mainly new TDs, who know they don't really like Labour but have forgotten why. Their founding identity was based on not being a mudguard for Fine Gael and its cohort of younger voters were never inoculated against Sinn Féin. By exercising their agency, they have weakened Labour's natural preference for a Labour–Social Democrats–Green alliance without Sinn Féin. The Social Democrats' willingness to stand in with Sinn Féin means Labour has less scope to stand out. A new mix on the left is giving a different flavour. It is a big deal for Labour to accept they now share a franchise, but they are. McDonald stated a plain truth when she said the days of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael 'controlling both government and opposition at the same time are over'. The centre has not held since 2020 because neither Fianna Fáil nor Fine Gael are an alternative government to the other. If they can't muster the numbers together, one or the other may be able to form a government with some left parties, where the left is more prominent than ever before. Alternatively, they lose decisively, the left alliance holds and forms a government in a historic departure of sorts. [ Gerry Adams defamation verdict won't have a chilling effect on journalism - and here's why Opens in new window ] [ Who really owns the music festival you're heading to this summer? Opens in new window ] Coppinger's views on the need for the left to challenge capitalism will never be taken up by the soft left. The left generally, and Sinn Féin particularly, are allergic to the broader tax base that would fund the more active state they demand. The slow bicycle race towards the next election has begun. For Sinn Féin, the Social Democrats and Labour, their mutual relations sway between coalition, colonisation and cannibalism. They have the makings of an alternative government, however. Housing at home, Trump abroad and diminishing traditional political loyalties mean that anything is possible, including a left government in Ireland.