Drugs, blood and terror: Inside a paramilitary massacre in Sudan
'Everyone was crying and screaming,' said Amal Ismail, 30, holding tightly to her son, a wide-eyed boy of 10. 'We could see our husbands and brothers being beaten outside.'
Soon, the killing began.
At least 31 people were massacred on April 27 in Salha, a neighborhood in the city of Omdurman, across the Nile from the capital, Khartoum, survivors said. Drawing on eight eyewitness accounts and videos, as well as evidence gathered from the scene, The Washington Post has reconstructed the events of that day, documenting a bloody breakdown in discipline among Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary fighters as Sudan's military closed in. Survivors said the men who attacked had often previously been high on drugs, and may have been that day, which they believe contributed to their brutality.
Sudan's civil war erupted in April 2023 after a power struggle between the head of the military and the leader of the RSF. More than 150,000 people have been killed in the conflict and over 12 million forced from their homes. Famine and disease are spreading unchecked.
In the early days of fighting, civilians were rarely the main targets. But as the RSF recruited new fighters, and the military raised militias, mass killings of noncombatants became more common. Atrocities similar to those in Salha have been carried out across the country, but with few journalists still able to operate, many victims' stories remain untold.
The use of drugs by irregular fighters has introduced a dangerous new variable to an already lawless battlefield. In May, reporters visited a makeshift factory recently recaptured by the army where authorities said the RSF had been producing Captagon, a synthetic stimulant that contains amphetamine.
'We knew the RSF in our neighborhood who had been there for two years and they did not bother the community,' said Juma Mohamed Ismail, a lawyer from Salha. But earlier this year, he said, new fighters arrived who had been pushed out of other parts of the city. The new guys, he said, 'took a lot of pills.'
The RSF did not respond to requests for comment.
What happened in Salha reveals how RSF leaders are increasingly failing to assert command and control, leaving civilians to pay the price.
A maze of sandy residential streets and small businesses, Salha was one of the first areas seized by the RSF during the war. It fell largely without a fight, sparing residents the wholesale destruction visited on other parts of the capital. Just over a year ago, the military began retaking Khartoum piece by piece. As its advance accelerated in the spring, roads and markets near Salha shut down.
'There was nothing. No food, no water, no medicine,' said Jalal Siraj, a 50-year-old truck driver who was part of the convoy.
Different RSF fighters, many from neighboring South Sudan, began pouring in.
'The new guys were selling drugs everywhere — in shops, in the market. They would sniff powder, even young boys like 13. And then they would bother the ladies,' said 25-year-old Rihab Ismail, Juma's middle sister.
'I saw them shoot a boy who was just standing at the gate of his house, for no reason,' said Rukiya Kharif, a mother of four.
At the end of May, a police escort took Post reporters to an abandoned, half-constructed apartment building in the neighborhood of Bahri, 15 miles northeast of Salha, on the other side of the Nile. Strewn around the building were packages of white powder marked 'animal feed supplement' and 'manufactured in Syria.' In the last years of Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad's rule, that country became a leading producer of Captagon.
Mixers and an industrial pill press had been set up there, and crate-loads of new equipment broken open. Police said the factory could produce 100,000 Captagon pills per hour.
High and drunk at all hours, the RSF recruits in Salha would shoot off their guns at random, Juma said, forcing him to hustle inside with his children. Within their sunbaked walls, they were safe from bullets but not from the heat.
'Too dangerous outside, too hot inside, miserable everywhere,' he said.
Siraj Ali, 53, said his uncle approached the longtime RSF commander in the area and explained their predicament. The commander offered them guards, according to Ali, but his uncle said there wouldn't be enough to protect every household. Juma's eldest sister, Amal, said the families paid the commander $1,200 for permission to leave. Ali's uncle called the military to negotiate crossing the front lines.
The Ismail family gathered just before dawn with their friends and neighbors, between 250 and 300 people in all, survivors said. The women and children were loaded into the depths of two trucks, normally used to transport cattle; the men were on top for protection. Two RSF vehicles escorted them, one in front and one behind.
After only 500 yards, they hit an RSF checkpoint. The men there were behaving erratically, the Ismail sisters said; they seemed to be hopped up on drugs.
Most of their RSF escorts quickly abandoned them, Amal recounted, but two remained. She said one pleaded with his fellow fighters not to set the trucks ablaze, and to release the women and children.
'I am a father and I cannot see this happen,' she remembered him saying.
The men in the convoy were forced to strip off their shirts, the women said, then beaten. A video geolocated by The Post to the scene of the roadblock shows a group of terrified men surrounded by jeering fighters.
'Don't beat them. Kill them. Don't compromise. Kill, kill!' say the armed men in the video.
The sisters identified a man in blue shorts as their brother Mohamed, a 28-year-old shopkeeper. They said he was killed that day along with their younger brother, 20-year-old Adam.
The fighters separated the men and women and took them to different buildings, survivors recalled. The sisters said the women were searched for cash, and told that if they hid it they would be killed. Their phones were inspected for online bank accounts; those without battery power were charged so the accounts could be emptied.
Two of Siraj's sisters were beaten to death, witnesses later told him. He said he was marched away to an RSF prison and never found their bodies.
Ali was taken with the men to another building nearby, he said, and held with six others. Their captors shot dead one of the men, Yusuf Hassan, for no reason, Ali said. In the next room over, two survivors said, an RSF militiaman laughed as he threw a grenade in their direction, but it did not explode.
The fighters demanded to know who had organized the convoy. When they identified Ali, the RSF fighters forced him outside, he said, screaming that the group was smuggling weapons for the army. Ali said he frantically assured the gunmen that the families had no ties to the military, that they were only trying to escape. He showed them the document from the RSF commander guaranteeing their safe passage.
The fighters just laughed and beat him, Ali said, shooting around his feet. Soon, seven RSF military police arrived on the scene: 'They tried to stop it but the others were out of control,' Ali said.
The police dragged Ali to a makeshift prison a couple hundred yards away. The rest of the captives were left to their fate.
In a bare room behind a girls' high school, Ali said he watched through a hole in the door as a couple dozen men from the convoy were marched past the gate. Then they passed out of sight.
'Suddenly, I heard a lot of shooting, at least 15 guns altogether,' Ali said. 'The guards came back inside and said, 'We have just killed your people.''
Amal's 10-year-old son described seeing a large pile of bodies near the school. The RSF told him they had been killed by a drone strike, he said. A video verified by The Post shows the men being marched along the street, taunted and beaten by RSF fighters. A second video shows at least 19 lifeless bodies, including some of the same men, jumbled on top of each other.
'It's the 27th of April 2025. History will never forget us doing this work,' one of the RSF fighters can be heard saying in the video.
In another video, a bearded man in uniform films himself in front of the bodies. 'I am the one who gave permission to kill these people,' he says proudly. 'Anyone who has any problem, let him come to me.'
The men 'had to be on drugs,' Siraj said. 'Sudanese people do not just kill for nothing.'
At least 31 people died that day, locals said. Among them: A computer graduate who studied in India. A recently married mechanic. A father and his 4-year-old son.
The true toll was probably higher. Witnesses said other captives were taken away and many have not been seen again. Salha has no phone network. The survivors have scattered. No one knows how many are missing, or how to trace them.
As news of the massacre trickled out, the RSF moved quickly into damage-control mode. The group has sought to portray itself as a defender of human rights and democracy fighting a repressive military regime.
'The soldiers in the video are not from the RSF at all,' senior RSF adviser Elbasha Tbaeq said in a message posted to X on the night of the killings. The post was later taken down.
The commander who had filmed himself in front of the bodies posted a nearly seven-minute video to TikTok the next day, again claiming responsibility. 'My name is Jar El Nabi Abdullah,' he says in the video, reclining in an armchair with a turban and sunglasses. 'The people who said this killing was not RSF — I'm from the RSF. My [badge] number is 50139136.'
He said the convoy had been concealing small arms, but provided no evidence. He accused some of the families of being related to members of the Al-Bara' ibn Malik Battalion, a military-affiliated militia whose members have filmed themselves sawing the heads off captives and mutilating bodies.
'It is allowed for you to behead and it's not allowed for me to kill?' he asked in the video.
Eight of the surviving adults from the convoy, as well and friends and relatives of the dead and missing, said they had no ties to the militia. They added that their only contact with the military had come when they were trying to organize their movement across the front lines.
Ali was sure he would be killed. But after he spent hours of interrogation in the RSF prison, his brother scraped together $800 and bought his freedom, he said.
Weeks later, he took reporters back to the roadblock. The neighborhood had been retaken by the military just days before. The corpses of RSF fighters still lay in the streets.
The things families had taken with them were scattered about. There were clothes and papers in the sand. Dental records, schoolbooks, driving licenses and family photographs were jumbled up with bullet casings. And there were two freshly dug, unmarked graves — one for an adult and one for a child.
Ali said 16 members of his family were killed that day. He bent down to pick up a small green shirt, the wind whipping his long white djellaba. 'This belongs to my cousin's son Ahmed,' he said. 'He was 7 years old.'
He pressed the shirt to his chest. 'Praise God, he survived.'
Jonathan Baran in San Francisco contributed to this report.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


News24
10 hours ago
- News24
Myanmar junta air strike on ruby mine hub kills 13
A Myanmar junta air strike on Mogok killed 13 people, including civilians like a monk and a father and son. Civil war has raged since the 2021 military coup, with rebel forces seizing territory like Mogok, a ruby mining hub. The junta plans December elections but faces boycott and criticism as opposition groups call it a 'fraud' to maintain power. A Myanmar junta air strike on a rebel-occupied ruby mining hub killed 13 people on Saturday, according to a resident and a spokesperson for an armed opposition group. Civil war has consumed Myanmar since the military seized power in a 2021 coup, sparking resistance from pro-democracy guerrillas who found common cause with long-active ethnic armed groups. Their scattered forces initially struggled to make headway, but a combined offensive starting in late 2023 seized swathes of territory, including the town of Mogok - the centre of the ruby trade. Myanmar is rich in precious stones and rare earth elements coveted by all factions and sold off, mostly to neighbouring China, to boost war chests. A junta spokesperson could not be reached for comment. However, a local who declined to be named for security reasons said the strike took place around 08:15 am (0145 GMT), killing seven instantly, with six dying later of their wounds. READ | Myanmar military offers new truce in bid to 'protect the towns and people's lives' He said among the dead were a Buddhist monk collecting alms and a father and son who were riding the same motorbike. "A car passing through the area was hit, too," he added. "Seven people were wounded, including the driver." A spokesperson for the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, which has occupied Mogok since last summer, matched that death toll but gave a figure of 14 wounded. "It was in the morning time when the airstrike hit a public area," said spokesperson Lway Yay Oo. There were a lot of people walking in the street; therefore, a lot of people were killed. The military was initially backfooted by the rebels' combined offensive but has enacted conscription to boost its ranks. Its troops recently retook several key settlements in central Myanmar, including the gold mining hub of Thabeikkyin, which it seized late last month after a year-long battle. The junta on Thursday ended the state of emergency it had declared after toppling the government of Aung San Suu Kyi more than four years ago, and has touted elections in December as an off-ramp for the conflict. However, with Suu Kyi still jailed, opposition groups, including ousted lawmakers, are boycotting the poll. A UN expert in June described the exercise as a "fraud" designed to legitimise the junta's continued rule.


CBS News
15 hours ago
- CBS News
Colombian ex-President Álvaro Uribe sentenced to 12 years house arrest for bribery
Former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe was sentenced Friday to 12 years of house arrest for witness tampering and bribery in a historic case that gripped the South American nation and tarnished the conservative strongman's legacy. The sentence, which Uribe said will be appealed, followed a nearly six-month trial in which prosecutors presented evidence that he attempted to influence witnesses who accused the law-and-order leader of having links to a paramilitary group in the 1990s. "Politics prevailed over the law in sentencing," Uribe said after Friday's hearing. Uribe, 73, has denied any wrongdoing. He faced up to 12 years in prison after being convicted Monday. His attorney had asked the court to allow Uribe to remain free while he appeals the verdict. Judge Sandra Heredia on Friday said she did not grant the defense's request because it would be "easy" for the former president to leave the country to "evade the imposed sanction." Heredia also banned Uribe from holding public office for eight years and fined him about $776,000. Ahead of Friday's sentencing, Uribe posted on X that he was preparing arguments to support his appeal. He added that one must "think much more about the solution than the problem" during personal crises. The appeals court will have until early October to issue a ruling, which either party could then challenge before Colombia's Supreme Court. The former president governed from 2002 to 2010 with strong support from the United States. He is a polarizing figure in Colombia, where many credit him for saving the country from becoming a failed state, while others associate him with human rights violations and the rise of paramilitary groups in the 1990s. Heredia on Monday said she had seen enough evidence to determine that Uribe conspired with a lawyer to coax three former paramilitary group members, who were in prison, into changing testimony they had provided to Ivan Cepeda, a leftist senator who had launched an investigation into Uribe's alleged ties to a paramilitary group. Uribe in 2012 filed a libel suit against Cepeda in the Supreme Court. But in a twist, the high court in 2018 dismissed the accusations against Cepeda and began investigating Uribe. Martha Peñuela Rosales, a supporter of Uribe's party in the capital, Bogota, said she wept and prayed after hearing of the sentence. "It's an unjust sentence. He deserves to be free," she said. Meanwhile, Sergio Andrés Parra, who protested against Uribe outside the courthouse, said the 12-year sentence "is enough" and, even if the former president appeals, "history has already condemned him." During Uribe's presidency, Colombia's military attained some of its biggest battlefield victories against Latin America's oldest leftist insurgency, pushing the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia into remote pockets and forcing the group's leadership into peace talks that led to the disarmament of more than 13,000 fighters in 2016.

Wall Street Journal
a day ago
- Wall Street Journal
Former Colombian President Is Sentenced to House Arrest in Witness-Tampering Case
BOGOTÁ, Colombia—Former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe, an icon of the Latin American right whose government worked with the U.S. to battle Marxist rebels, was sentenced to 12 years of house arrest in a witness-tampering case related to the country's long-running internal conflict. In two terms that ended in 2010, Uribe led a military offensive that severely weakened the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, making him a revered figure among many Colombians. But rights abuses by Colombia's army and right-wing paramilitary groups tarnished his image.