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Yahoo
12 minutes ago
- Yahoo
The rise of the far-right 'Japanese First' party
For three years, a once fringe opposition party held just one seat in Japan's 248-seat upper house. But on Sunday, Sanseito emerged as one of the biggest winners of Japan's election - walking away with 14 seats. The party was born in 2020 during the Covid-19 pandemic, where it gained prominence with YouTube videos that spread conspiracy theories about vaccinations. More recently, it has built its platform on a nationalist "Japanese First" agenda, which has warned against a "silent invasion of foreigners". Sanseito's rise in popularity reflects growing unease over immigration and overtourism - issues the ruling government also sought to address with a new committee it created days before the election. But do these gains signal an enduring shift to the right in Japan? What is the 'Japanese First' policy? Launching in early 2020, Sanseito gained attention among conservatives with its series of YouTube videos centred on anti-vaccine and anti-masking rhetoric. It won its first seat in the upper house in 2022, following a campaign in which it fashioned itself as an "anti-globalist" party. Supporters at rallies spoke of a world where a cabal of globalists and financial institutions were conspiring to lord over powerless citizens. In its recent campaign, the party made populist pledges such as consumption tax cuts and an increase in child benefits. But it's been most well known for its nationalist "Japanese First" platform rallying against immigrants, with its leader Sohei Kamiya previously saying that he had drawn inspiration from US President Donald Trump's "bold political style". Sanseito's promises have won it the support of young conservatives online - cutting into the ruling Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) conservative support base. The weekend's election result also underscores voters' frustration with the LDP's leader and Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, who has struggled to inspire confidence as Japan struggles against economic headwinds, a cost-of-living crisis and trade negotiations with the United States. Jeffrey Hall, a lecturer in Japanese Studies at Kanda University of International Studies, says support for more right-wing parties had drawn conservative voters away from the LDP. "Prime Minister Ishiba is considered not conservative enough by many supporters of the former Prime Minister [Shinzo] Abe," he says. "They think that he just doesn't have the nationalistic views on history, he doesn't have the strong views against China that Abe had." Mr Hall adds that the party's win means "for the next six years, [Sanseito] are going to feel a lot less restrained and a lot freer... [to express its] conspiracy theories, anti-foreign statements, very strong revisionist views about history". But despite its gains this election, Sanseito still falls short of the minimum number of seats required to submit budget bills in the upper house. And in the more powerful lower house, it holds just three seats. Who is Sohei Kamiya? Kamiya, 47, was at one point of his political career a member of the long-ruling LDP. During the 2012 general election, the party's then-president Shinzo Abe personally campaigned on his behalf - though he eventually lost the race. Kamiya launched Sanseito in March 2020, and was the party's only candidate to be elected into the upper chamber in 2022. The former Self-Defence Force reservist has openly credited Trump for shaping his approach, and has railed against the political and financial elite. "Under globalism, multinational companies have changed Japan's policies for their own purposes," he said at a recent rally in Kagoshima. "If we fail to resist this foreign pressure, Japan will become a colony!" Earlier this year, he faced backlash after calling gender equality policies a mistake, saying they would encourage women to work and prevent them from having more children. When asked about the party's appeal to men, he said it might be due to him being "hot-blooded", claiming "that resonates more with men". Following Sunday's election, Kamiya vowed to secure "50 to 60 seats" in future elections so that "[the party's] policies will finally become reality". He also appeared to try to walk back some of his earlier statements, clarifying in an interview with Nippon TV after the vote that his nationalist policy was not meant to "completely ban foreigners". Why is there so much anger over immigration? The number of foreign residents in Japan hit a record 3.8 million at the end of 2024. That figure marks an increase up 10.5% from the previous year, according to immigration authorities - but still makes up just 3% of the country's total population. Tourist numbers also hit an all-time high of about 36.9 million last year, according to the National Tourism Organisation. Sanseito has seized on the growing unease over immigration, blaming the ruling LDP for policies that have allowed more foreigners into the country. Anti-immigration rhetoric often surfaces in countries dealing with a weakening economy, says Mr Hall. "Misbehaviour and bad manners by some tourists" have added fuel to the fire, creating an impression of a "big foreign problem", he adds. "[Sanseito] tapped into the frustration over immigration and the perhaps unwarranted feeling that immigrants were rising too much in number," he says. Japan has traditionally been wary of immigration, but faced with an ageing population, the government had eased immigration laws in recent years in an effort to boost manpower. Some Japanese people have been frustrated by the influx of foreigners and have blamed them for rising crime and inflation, among other things. On Tuesday, less than a week before the election, authorities set up a new committee aimed at easing citizens' concerns, pledging to shape a "society of orderly and harmonious coexistence with foreign nationals." But it now appears to have come too late - and Sanseito's ascent may signal a turning point in Japan's political landscape. "I think for years now, people said Japan doesn't have a populist right, or doesn't have a populist far right," says Mr Hall. "But I think [the result] has proven that there is a possibility for this to happen in Japan, and it's probably here to stay."
Boston Globe
13 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
New Hampshire is expanding school choice. Will Massachusetts follow?
Advertisement This surge in school choice is part of a broader national trend. Enrollment in such programs has more than doubled since 2020 — from roughly 540,000 to more than Massachusetts, home to some of the nation's strongest private, parochial, charter, and vocational-technical schools, is increasingly being left behind, politically unwilling and legally constrained from offering families access to private options. The catalyst for this wave of private options was the US Supreme Court's 2020 decision in Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue. The court Advertisement Her story resonated nationwide, particularly during the pandemic. The move to online learning by public schools, union resistance to returning students to the classroom, and a seeming disregard for students' mental health and learning loss drove many families toward private and homeschool options. Even in Massachusetts, Massachusetts may remain among the top-performing states nationally, but that status masks a troubling decline. On the National Assessment of Educational Progress (the nation's report card), average eighth-grade The pandemic and student distraction due to cellphones are partially to blame, but the decline is Clearly there is a hunger for options other than traditional public school. Advertisement New Hampshire's latest choice expansion is relevant to Massachusetts because, in addition to the two states' cultural and demographic similarities, they post nearly identical academic performance. On the 2024 NAEP, New Hampshire eighth-graders scored averages of 280 in As student performance declines, Massachusetts lawmakers remain committed to a top-down, monopolistic education system. They refuse to consider private school choice, hiding behind 19th-century anti-Catholic amendments in the state constitution that prohibit public funds from flowing to religious schools, even indirectly. At the same time, lawmakers have stood by as the pillars of the Commonwealth's landmark 1993 education reforms — strong academic standards, accountability through testing, and choice through charter schools — have steadily eroded. New Hampshire is taking a more pragmatic approach: It is steadily expanding school choice with thoughtful fiscal safeguards and a clear focus on helping the students most in need. As a result, many more New Hampshire parents will now be able to narrow class- and race-based achievement gaps — whether through public or private schools, the small learning groups called The recently passed 'One Big Beautiful Bill,' President Trump's massive tax and spending plan, enacts the first national school choice program, offering scholarships funded through tax credits to all but the wealthiest families. Starting in 2027, taxpayers nationwide will be able to redirect up to $1,700 in federal taxes to approved scholarship organizations. Advertisement The program could benefit many of the 120,000 families in Massachusetts paying a private school tuition, or using homeschool and microschool options, which grew enormously during the pandemic. Expanding its appeal further, the program benefits families paying for after-school supplemental learning, including tutoring. The catch? States must opt in. For now, Massachusetts officials say they are For the dozens of states with school choice programs, including New Hampshire, the pathway forward is clear: Private school choice has broad public support and expands equality of educational opportunity. What will Massachusetts do?
Business Insider
14 minutes ago
- Business Insider
Ethiopia–Egypt dispute escalates after Trump's controversial remarks on $5 billion GERD project
The long-standing tensions between Ethiopia and Egypt over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) escalated recently following remarks by U.S. President Donald Trump that many Ethiopians have condemned as inflammatory and one-sided. Tensions between Ethiopia and Egypt regarding the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) have intensified recently. Remarks by former U.S. President Trump favoring Egypt's stance on the dam have exacerbated the situation. Despite prolonged negotiations, Ethiopia and Egypt have yet to reach a consensus on the dam's operation and water-sharing guidelines. Speaking during a meeting with NATO officials in Washington, Trump appeared to align himself with Egypt in the ongoing dispute over the $5 billion hydropower project being built on the Blue Nile, one of the Nile River's primary tributaries. Referring to the dam, Trump said it was ' closing up water going to the Nile,' which he described as 'a very important source of income and life … to take that away is pretty incredible. But we think we are going to have that solved very quickly.' He added, ' I think if I am Egypt, I want to have water in the Nile and we are working on that.' A similar incident occurred in 2020 when Trump suggested that the dam should be blown up by Egypt. In a telephone conversation with Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, Trump remarked that Egypt " will end up blowing up the dam" if no agreement was reached. The comments have provoked strong backlash among Ethiopians both at home and abroad, who view GERD as a critical piece of national infrastructure central to efforts to expand energy access, boost industrial growth, and lift millions out of poverty. Ethiopians reject Trump's position Ethiopian officials and civil society groups argue that President Trump's remarks not only undermine Ethiopia's sovereign right to utilize its natural resources but also risk aggravating an already fragile diplomatic situation. Experts like Fekahmed Negash, former executive director at the Eastern Nile Technical Regional Office (ENTRO) of the Nile Basin Initiative, view Trump's comments as too incendiary to be dismissed While responding to questions from The Reporter, he described the U.S. President's remarks as a clearly partisan intervention, albeit unsurprising, given Trump's populist posture. ' President Trump held grudges against Ethiopia for not adhering to his self-styled mediation efforts between Ethiopia and Egypt eight years ago during his first presidency, ' said Fekahmed, who also served as director of Transboundary Rivers Affairs at Ethiopia's Ministry of Water. ' The Egyptians got the better of him to take a stand that Ethiopia should sign a binding treaty with Egypt and Sudan regarding the GERD.' Fekahmed's comments echo a broader sentiment in Ethiopia: that Trump's rhetoric not only reveals bias but also revives unresolved diplomatic tensions rooted in earlier U.S. attempts to broker a deal, efforts which Ethiopia viewed as favoring Egypt's demands. The GERD Project The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), nearing completion on the Blue Nile near Sudan, is Africa's largest hydropower project and a centerpiece of Ethiopia's development agenda. Valued at $5 billion, it is expected to generate over 6,000 megawatts of electricity, doubling Ethiopia's power output and enabling it to export energy across the region. While Ethiopia sees the dam as vital for poverty reduction and economic growth, Egypt fears it could threaten its water security. With nearly 90 percent of its population dependent on the Nile, Egypt argues the GERD could significantly reduce the river's flow during critical periods. The dispute has become a regional flashpoint. Both Ethiopia and Egypt have sought international backing, and the involvement of global powers has added diplomatic weight. President Donald Trump's remarks appearing to support Egypt have been criticized in Ethiopia as undermining its sovereignty and risking greater tension. Despite repeated negotiations, the parties remain divided over how the dam should be filled and operated.
